GraFun, Supported by Floki and DWF Labs, Brings Memecoin Frenzy to BNB Chain

FLOKI tokens could see a price jump as the project’s closeness to GraFun boosts fundamentals.

The memecoin issuing and trading frenzy that gripped Solana and Tron blockchains in the past few months could soon see a repeat on the BNB Chain ecosystem, thanks to a protocol that says it is making the process easier and better for users.

GraFun, a memecoin launchpad and trading platform exclusive to the BNB Chain network, will be released on September 27 at 11:00 UTC.

It uses a unique bonding curve mechanism that allows anyone to fairly launch a memecoin for next to nothing. This is similar to Solana’s runaway hit Pump Fun, but GraFun’s developers say they have made certain key improvements.

“It’s all about promoting long-term investment and real growth,” GraFun developers explained in an X post. “Unlike the traditional bonding curve, the Fair Curve is community-first. And built to benefit everyone who participates. It gives you the power to be part of a DAO — where decisions are made by you and your fellow token holders.”

The project has bagged support from crypto ecosystem project Floki and other industry heavyweights including BNB Chain, DeXe Protocol, and HOT Protocol. DWF Labs is also a strategic partner.

“Floki is the biggest memecoin brand on the BNB chain by far, and our role in helping with its recent launch and ensuring its success has shown the kind of sway Floki holds within the BNB ecosystem and in this space as a whole,” Floki developer B told CoinDesk in a message.

“With Floki’s backing, GraFun will send a strong message to the industry that it is the de facto platform for creating fair launch memecoins in the space,” B added.

Floki will receive 40% ownership of GraFun and get 40% of the revenue generated from the launchpad. Floki’s ownership of GraFun will lead to key benefits for FLOKI and its sister project TokenFi (TOKEN), developers told CoinDesk in a release.

What is bonding curve model?

With the bonding curve model, anyone can deploy a memecoin or a launchpad that supports this model for next to nothing (e.g., anyone can create a memecoin with GraFun with a few dollars or less), with zero developer experience and without having to make any form of commitment (liquidity, expensive token deployment costs, etc).

The memecoin launchpad then allows the market to determine the value of the memecoin: if there is enough demand to push the memecoin to a certain market cap (e.g., $100,000 market cap), it hits a “bonding curve,” and liquidity is automatically added to a decentralized exchange (DEX) and burned or locked – making it possible for anyone to buy the memecoin on DEXs.

If a memecoin does not hit the bonding curve, it simply does not get “launched” on a DEX. The memecoin launchpad makes money regardless.

The most popular examples of memecoin launchpads that use this kind of model are Pump on Solana – which pioneered such a model – and Tron’s Sun Pump.

Pump.fun has made over $110 million in fees in the last 6 months alone and is currently projected to generate $136.5 million in annual fees. SunPump has made $5.2 million in fees since launching a little over a month ago and is currently projected to generate $51.8 million in annual fees.

However, the massive amount of tokens launched on Pump and Sun means most tokens fail to reach a bonding curve and end up in losses – leaving a majority of users unhappy in the past months. As CoinDesk previously reported, Pump’s quick token creation services mean tens of thousands of tokens have likely been issued since its March launch. However, only a few have reached more than $10 million in market capitalization.

GraFun’s USP is the “Fair Curve” model, which developers say minimizes rug-pull risks, reduces price manipulation, and ensures fairer token issuances that result in fewer users losing money.

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EU Metaverse Strategy Set to Examine Privacy, Competition and Rights

A policy paper next week won’t set legislative rules – but could point the way ahead on some key Web3 issues.

The European Commission’s metaverse strategy due next week is delayed and won’t have real teeth – but there are real policy concerns about how virtual worlds will cope with policy issues like property rights, technological standards and privacy.

First announced by Commission President Ursula von der Leyen as part of an annual address made back in September, a policy paper on virtual worlds has been put off as long as it could be. EU commissioners are due to agree to it next Tuesday; any later and they’d be running into preparations for the next edition of the State of the EU speech.

The commission has previously suggested the proposal won’t be legislative, discussing the policy issues rather than proposing a formal bill – but it might point the way towards stronger action in future.

The metaverse strategy is “the start of something, it sets the agenda,” said Patrick Grady, editor of Brussels-based website and research initiative Metaverse EU. “Once the machine gets moving it doesn’t really stop.”

Grady, who also leads the technology practice at consultancy Fourtold, points to the commission’s 2018 strategy on Artificial Intelligence – which, though it did little more than promise a stakeholder alliance and reinterpreted liability rules, proved the portent of more to come, and an AI bill followed in 2021.

That brings risks as well as opportunities. A clear regulatory framework is often welcomed by the industry, but EU rules in areas such as AI have proved controversial. The example of the bloc’s recent Data Act – nominally concerned with governing information gathered by connected objects like cars or fridges, but which some Web3 proponents worry could effectively make smart contracts illegal – shows there’s always the chance of unintended consequences.

European values

The commission has said the metaverse will need to embed “European values” – with officials specifying topics like discrimination, safety and data controls. A blog by Commissioner Thierry Breton, and a subsequent consultation from the commission, hinted at a more immediate EU fear – that Web3, like its predecessor, could be dominated by big players that squash competition.

That may include some familiar faces. Facebook has rebranded itself Meta (META) as it pivots towards a more immersive experience, and Apple’s (AAPL) move into the space could prove transformative.

At an April hearing, Meta’s EU Public Policy Director Aleksandra Kozik was cross-questioned by lawmakers interested in topics ranging from the impact of the technology on jobs, discrimination, and abuse by organized crime.

“The metaverse is not one single product that will be built by one company,” Kozik told members of the European Parliament’s Legal Affairs Committee. “It is a constellation of platforms, technologies and products that will be built by many different stakeholders, by companies big and small.”

The commission may be skeptical of such analogies, given that it has often taken Meta to task for trying to be the brightest, if not the only, star in its firmament. Grammar might offer a clue as to the EU executive’s real thinking, Grady points out.

As with the internet, the whole point of the metaverse is that it’s a single unfragmented space – “siloed metaverses is almost the situation the EU’s trying to avoid,” Grady said.

Yet the commission’s own paper is about virtual worlds, plural – suggesting Meta’s might be one of several separate walled gardens – while Breton talks about both the metaverse, and about different metaverses.

One solution is to ensure that developers like Meta work within common international standards. But, as Grady points out, the EU’s own antitrust rules can sometimes stand in the way, since any grouping of supposed competitors is liable to be treated as a cartel.

Rights

Some in the digital sector see an opportunity in whatever the commission might announce.

“Virtual worlds are increasingly part of a modern, digital industry and this is where Europe excels, so we’d like to see a strategy that aims to support this,” a spokesperson for lobby group DigitalEurope told CoinDesk in an emailed statement, citing possibilities like cheaper online job training, and virtual factories and power grids.

But there’s plenty more legal quandaries raised by the metaverse – including basic rights.

“Personal property interests in virtual worlds are radically undermined” by the fine print in online terms and conditions, Joshua Fairfield, a law professor at Washington and Lee University, told lawmakers back in April. “The metaverse end-user license agreement beats the United States Constitution, because it acts under this concept of consent to replace many of the social rules that we take for granted.”

How to deal with those fundamental problems remains hotly debated – and, in particular, whether the metaverse is really so new that it needs its own rulebook.

“The metaverse is not being built in a regulatory vacuum,” Meta said in its response to the EU’s consultation, citing existing online laws that continue to apply. “To the extent that any novel or unique issues arise over time as the metaverse continues to evolve, we call upon the Commission to address any emerging legislative gaps on a case-by-case basis, using evidence-based policy development.”

For others, virtual worlds are a step change, given how much they rely on potentially invasive technology such as headsets and glasses.

Extended reality tech “poses substantial risks to human rights” and “could continue the march towards ever-more-invasive sensitive data collection and ubiquitous surveillance” by governments and corporations, even going into people’s thoughts and emotions, said a consultation response by online rights activists the Electronic Frontier Foundation.

Does any of this matter for your average crypto fan? It likely will do, if the predictions of the commission’s own Joint Research Centre come true.

“Blockchain and cryptocurrencies are likely to be the technological building blocks of a decentralized infrastructure” that underpins the metaverse, a JRC report published Monday said.

That will be music to the ears of those who believe online virtual worlds require a radically different way of thinking than the centralized structures that came to dominate Web2. It also means metaverse regulation carries a risk for the crypto sphere.

Merhaba arkadaşlar, bugün sizlere Prizmabet adlı bir bahis sitesinden bahsedeceğim. Prizmabet, Betconstruct altyapısı ile üyelerine kaliteli hizmetler veren ve ülkemizin önde gelen bahis sitelerinden bir tanesidir. 2009 yılında kurulan Prizmabet, lisanslı, güvenilir ve avantajlı bir site olarak dikkat çekmektedir. Prizmabet’te spor bahisleri, canlı bahisler, casino, canlı casino, slot oyunları, sanal sporlar ve daha pek çok seçenek bulabilirsiniz. Prizmabet’te oyun oynamak için aradığınız ortamı fazlası ile bulacaksınız.

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Florida’s DeSantis Waging Toothless Campaign Against Digital Dollars, Lawyers Say #prizmabet

The political movement to use state commerce rules to stop central bank digital currencies is based in legal nonsense that has no power to ban anything, experts contend.

The state-level campaign against a U.S. digital dollar made its first foray into established law with Governor Ron DeSantis’ signature on Florida’s effort to block the use of virtual government-backed money in business transactions.

But the Florida governor’s rhetoric that his state is banning central bank digital currencies (CBDCs) as “government overreach and woke corporate monitoring” may not amount to much on paper. Legal experts in this facet of commercial law suggest the state’s effort is nonsensical and potentially harmful for the digital assets sector DeSantis said he’s trying to protect.

“They didn’t ban anything,” said Carla Reyes, an assistant professor at Southern Methodist University’s Dedman School of Law, who has done work in both digital assets law and the Uniform Commercial Code (UCC) that Florida is focused on. “The law does exactly zero of the things that it says that it does.”

The state’s new tweak “expressly prohibits the use of a federally adopted CBDC by excluding it from the definition of money within Florida’s Uniform Commercial Code,” according to the governor’s office. From introduction to his signature last week took just 43 days.

DeSantis – one of the Republican Party’s early favorites as a potential presidential candidate next year – turned his May 12 signing of the law into a political event, claiming it as the start of a potential multi-state push from Republican state lawmakers to counter a digital dollar well before the federal government decides whether to issue it or not. North Carolina has also been considering a measure to oppose a U.S. CBDC, and South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem recently vetoed a bill to update its UCC in a way she argued would have allowed for CBDCs and “a potential future overreach by the federal government.”

“We’re on offense in the state of Florida,” DeSantis said at a press conference, standing behind a sign reading “Big Brother’s Digital Dollar,” referencing George Orwell’s tale of supreme government control, “1984.” The new law – effective in July – declared digital dollars won’t be considered money in the state’s version of the commercial code.

The UCC represents an accord among states, which have largely adopted this common set of rules for buying and selling of goods and conducting other financial transactions across state borders. Florida has officially thrown its CBDC wrench into that standardization, saying digital dollars aren’t money as defined in the code. But it doesn’t really ban CBDC use in interstate commerce, just puts those assets in another category than money, lawyers say.

“I could still buy a computer using CBDCs if that’s what they wanted me to pay in,” said Reyes, who said the government-backed assets would now fall into the bucket of “general intangibles” under the UCC. “The UCC doesn’t have the power to ban people from using any type of exchange. That’s not what it does.”

CBDC Opposition

DeSantis called the CBDC “a massive transfer of power from individual consumers to a central authority,” and he said the federal government would “have the ability to control where that money is going,” citing a future government’s ability to stop gun purchases or halt somebody from buying too much gasoline.

Though DeSantis and other Florida Republicans suggest the U.S. is definitely heading toward issuing a digital dollar, that view isn’t yet reflected by what’s happening. While the administration of President Joe Biden is under orders to develop the concept of a U.S. CBDC, no federal entity has yet declared support for issuing it.

The Federal Reserve would be in charge of the digital dollar, and officials including Chair Jerome Powell have said the central bank won’t act without backing from the White House and Congress. The Fed also doesn’t want to be in the retail CBDC business, so officials have declared that it won’t administer individual accounts and that people’s transactions would have to be managed by banks or in other outside digital wallets.

DeSantis acknowledged that if Congress eventually authorizes a U.S. CBDC, the state may have to back down. But more than that, Andrea Tosato, a legal scholar who has advised on UCC amendments and teaches at University of Pennsylvania’s Carey Law School, said that any federal law on this point will automatically override state law.

If that happens, though, it won’t have anything significant to override in Florida, he and Reyes suggested.

The UCC Reality

The UCC represents longstanding, battle-tested standards for basic transactions, and they‘re meant to be “super boring” and nonpolitical, Tosato said. The Florida effort to use it as a shield against digital dollars is “painting the UCC as something that it is not.”

The UCC gives both sides of transactions basic legal protections, Tosato explained, but it doesn’t tell them what they can or can’t exchange. That’s the job of regulations or criminal codes.

When one digs into “the rabbit hole and the craziness of what was done with this Florida bill,” Tosato said, “there is no light-bulb moment. It makes no sense.”

The governor’s office didn’t respond to a request for comment on these points. DeSantis suggested during his press conference that he wasn’t just protecting people’s financial privacy but was also seeking to defend crypto from federal government interference.

“I think they want to crowd out and eliminate other types of digital assets like cryptocurrency, because they can’t control that,” he said.

While Florida rewrites its single-state corner of the 50-state standards, though, it’s also rebuffing a set of amendments suggested last year that were meant to set standards for the interstate use of cryptocurrencies, including in such examples as the use of bitcoin as collateral in lending. That could have been a foundation for digital assets in commerce, Tosato argued, and other states have been moving forward to adopt the changes.

Even the way Florida defines a CBDC could be problematic. Its new law says a CBDC is a government-issued digital currency “that is made directly available to a consumer,” but Tosato contends that doesn’t reflect any of the current or planned CBDCs, which generally have service providers manage the accounts or wallets for using the virtual currency.

“There is no CBDC anywhere that is issued directly to consumers,” Tosato said.

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As DeSantis and his allies celebrate their CBDC ban, Tosato says they’ve compromised the UCC’s crypto modernization and are misrepresenting the meaning of their overhaul of Florida law.

“It’s done in a way that makes no sense and is completely broken,” he said.

Merhaba arkadaşlar, bugün sizlere Prizmabet adlı bir bahis sitesinden bahsedeceğim. Prizmabet, Betconstruct altyapısı ile üyelerine kaliteli hizmetler veren ve ülkemizin önde gelen bahis sitelerinden bir tanesidir. 2009 yılında kurulan Prizmabet, lisanslı, güvenilir ve avantajlı bir site olarak dikkat çekmektedir. Prizmabet’te spor bahisleri, canlı bahisler, casino, canlı casino, slot oyunları, sanal sporlar ve daha pek çok seçenek bulabilirsiniz. Prizmabet’te oyun oynamak için aradığınız ortamı fazlası ile bulacaksınız.

Prizmabet’in en önemli özelliklerinden biri de Prizmabet TV kanalıdır. Bu kanal sayesinde bahis sitesinde bulunan müsabakaları üyeler bir ücrete katlanmadan istedikleri zaman takip edebiliyor. Böylece hem heyecanlı hem de kazançlı bir bahis deneyimi yaşayabiliyorsunuz. Prizmabet TV kanalında futbol, basketbol, tenis, voleybol gibi popüler spor dallarının yanı sıra daha az bilinen sporlara da yer verilmektedir. Prizmabet TV kanalını kullanmak için sadece siteye üye olmanız ve yatırım yapmanız yeterlidir.

Prizmabet ayrıca üyelerine bol miktarda bonus ve promosyon da sunmaktadır. Prizmabet’te ilk üyelik bonusu olarak 100 TL deneme bonusu alabilirsiniz. Bunun yanında yatırım bonusları, kayıp bonusları, arkadaş davet bonusu, doğum günü bonusu gibi farklı bonuslar da mevcuttur. Prizmabet bonusları sayesinde daha fazla oyun oynayabilir ve kazancınızı artırabilirsiniz. Prizmabet bonuslarının çevrim şartları da oldukça makul seviyededir.

Prizmabet para yatırma ve çekme işlemleri konusunda da üyelerine kolaylık sağlamaktadır. Prizmabet’te banka havalesi, kredi kartı, papara, cepbank, QR kod, bitcoin gibi farklı yöntemlerle para yatırabilir ve çekebilirsiniz. Para yatırma ve çekme işlemleri 7/24 yapılabilmekte ve kısa sürede hesaplara yansımaktadır. Prizmabet para yatırma ve çekme işlemlerinde herhangi bir komisyon veya kesinti de yapmamaktadır.

Prizmabet müşteri hizmetleri de üyelerine 7/24 canlı destek hizmeti sağlamaktadır. Prizmabet canlı destek ekibi sayesinde site ile ilgili her türlü soru, sorun veya önerinizi iletebilir ve anında çözüm bulabilirsiniz. Prizmabet canlı destek ekibi profesyonel, güler yüzlü ve yardımseverdir.

Sonuç olarak, Prizmabet ülkemizin en iyi bahis sitelerinden biri olarak gösterilebilir. Prizmabet’te hem eğlenceli hem de kazançlı bir bahis deneyimi yaşayabilirsiniz. Prizmabet’e üye olmak için güncel giriş adresini web sitemizden bulabilirsiniz. Prizmabet’e girmek için tıklayınız! Prizmabet’e katıldığınıza pişman olmayacaksınız!