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Tigran Gambaryan: The Star Crypto Investigator Kidnapped by Nigeria

The star IRS investigator-turned-executive was unlawfully detained by Nigeria and charged with tax evasion for Binance. His case shocked the crypto industry.

After eight long, harrowing months locked up in a Nigerian prison, Tigran Gambaryan is finally back home in Atlanta, recovering from his ordeal.

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The Nigerian government finally agreed to release Gambaryan on humanitarian grounds in October to allow him to return to the U.S. to receive medical care for a host of conditions he developed while in Kuje prison including malaria, double pneumonia, and a herniated disc in his back that left him in excruciating pain and struggling to walk.

In addition to releasing Gambaryan, Nigerian officials dropped the money laundering charges they’d been prosecuting him for since March, as a stand-in for his employer, Binance. The Nigerian government accused Binance of tanking the value of the naira by facilitating the movement of some $23 billion in untraceable funds in 2023. Equally unjust tax evasion charges against Gambaryan had previously been dropped in June. Binance, however, still faces both charges; the Nigerian government is seeking $10 billion in penalties.

Gambaryan’s detention sparked outrage across the crypto industry and beyond. As Binance’s Head of Financial Crime Compliance, Gambaryan had nothing to do with his employer’s actions, criminal or not, in Nigeria. And, as an American citizen, it was unthinkable for many, including several members of Congress, that he could be snatched by a foreign country – especially one that is an ally of the U.S. – and left to languish in a cell for nearly a year.

And, perhaps most perplexingly, Gambaryan wasn’t just any American executive getting held for ransom – he’s a former federal agent, a one-time Internal Revenue Service (IRS) investigator that was part of an elite group of early crypto tracers in the federal government. During his tenure at the IRS, Gambaryan had a central role in some of the biggest crypto crime busts in the industry’s history, including the takedown of child sex abuse video network Welcome to Video and darknet marketplace Alpha Bay, the seizure of nearly 70,000 bitcoins stolen from the Silk Road, and the recovery of 650,000 bitcoins stolen from Mt Gox.

That Nigeria would detain any American executive to use as a scapegoat for their employer was bad enough. But that Nigeria detained Tigran Gambaryan, a former U.S. government employee, was an outrage.

Star investigator

Gambaryan’s detention came as a shock to many of his former government colleagues, including Lili Infante, CEO of CAT Labs. During her tenure as a special agent at the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA), Infante frequently crossed paths with Gambaryan, working with him on investigations and sharing investigative techniques.

“Tigran is a very rare breed of elite investigator,” Infante said. “It’s very difficult to find his personality type in the government. If IRS-CI had the equivalent of a special forces, he would probably be front and center leading them.”

Infante, along with Gambaryan, was part of an elite cadre of early crypto tracers working across several government agencies who figured out how to track transactions that were, at the time, largely thought to be anonymous. And, of all the federal agencies developing cutting-edge crypto tracing techniques, the IRS was the best.

“They were accountants. They were really good at following the money, and this was just following the money on blockchains,” said Ari Redbord, global head of policy at blockchain intelligence firm TRM Labs. “And Tigran really became the star amongst that group of agents in those early days… In large part, he invented what it means to be a cryptocurrency investigator.”

Infante said that Gambaryan was “instrumental” in catapulting IRS-CI into being the leading federal agency in crypto investigations.

“Not only did he work on some of the most impactful, high profile crypto cases, which resulted in multi-billion dollars of digital asset seizures, he also mentored other agents and laid the groundwork for IRS-CI to continue dominating in the area of crypto investigations even after he left [for Binance],” Infante said. “He left a legacy.”

Infante attributes part of Gambaryan’s success at the IRS to his personality, which she and other former colleagues of his described as driven, ambitious and innovative.

“He’s like a dog with a bone. No challenge is too difficult,” Infante recalled. “The government was lucky to have him. It’s very, very difficult to innovate in the government because of the level of bureaucracy…Innovation requires a certain level of risk tolerance which Tigran had, and still does. Sometimes it pays off, and sometimes it bites you.”

Pioneer at Binance

When Gambaryan left the IRS and took a position at Binance in 2021, Infante said she wasn’t surprised. By the time he left the government, the crypto investigative space had matured significantly, and Gambaryan was ready for a new challenge.

And Binance presented a significant challenge, even for the OG crypto investigator. When Gambaryan joined the company, it was still willingly violating the Bank Secrecy Act (BSA) by failing to set up a proper know-your-customer/anti-money laundering regime, which allowed money launderers and international criminals to use the platform freely. Last year, the company agreed to pay $4.3 billion in fines to settle criminal charges against it, and then-CEO Changpeng “CZ” Zhao was sentenced to four months in federal prison — half the time that Gambaryan ended up serving in Nigeria.

Though Gambaryan was well aware of Binance’s troubles, he took the job anyway.

“He said, ‘Well, it’s the largest exchange. They have the most impact on the industry right now, and I want to help them get their shit together,’” Infante recalled Gambaryan saying before he left the IRS. “And he wasn’t kidding.”

Redbord pointed out that, though it is now common for government officials to take jobs in the crypto industry, it was “pretty extraordinary” when Gambaryan joined Binance.

“He’s a man of firsts,” Redbord said. “This was a very unique thing at the time. Not only did he go to a cryptocurrency business, he went to the largest by a magnitude of 15, and one that was really having to rethink the way it did anti-money laundering and compliance. And he came in and really became the face of that in many respects.”

Infante pointed to the exchange’s response process to law enforcement inquiries as an example of how Gambaryan had positively changed Binance.

“It’s night and day. Before Tigran came in, you’d send a request or a subpoena and you’d wait a month or two or six or forever — the compliance program was nonexistent,” Infante said. “After Tigran came in, you’d get an answer within 24 hours.”

“Imagine taking a borderline criminal organization and turning it into a force for good to help law enforcement with their cases, be extremely compliant with subpoena requests, helping return assets to victims of cybercrime and pig butchering – it’s an impact. It’s a massive impact,” Infante added.

A spokesperson for Binance said Gambaryan brought “unparalleled expertise” to the exchange when he joined in 2021.

“His contributions have solidified Binance’s position as a leader in compliance and innovation within the cryptocurrency ecosystem,” the spokesperson added.

Colleagues, Congressmen push back

For many in the crypto industry, especially for compliance officers and former government officials, Gambaryan’s stellar track record made his detention in Nigeria — and the U.S. government’s disturbingly lackluster response — even more incomprehensible.

“Nobody should go through what he went through, but the fact that he’s literally a national treasure…and it took us eight months to get him out of a hostage situation in another country is insane,” said Infante.

Infante and Redbord joined a group of former federal agents and prosecutors that worked, behind the scenes and in public, to secure Gambaryan’s freedom. They both signed a letter, spearheaded by investor and former federal prosecutor Katie Haun to Secretary of State Antony Blinken, asking the State Department to “step up” its efforts to get Gambaryan home. Some of Gambaryan’s former government colleagues also protested outside the UN in September and regularly posted on social media demanding his freedom.

Read more: Former Government Employees, Compliance Officers Rally for Detained Binance Executive

Their efforts to free Gambaryan also attracted people who didn’t know him before his detention.

Gary Weinstein, founder of Infinity Consulting, told CoinDesk he worked pro bono for four hours a day for months to help free Gambaryan.

“I felt a personal responsibility to act. I think Tigran’s dedication to compliance and integrity resonated with my values,” Weinstein said. “I couldn’t just sit by hoping for a good result.”

Members of Congress also took steps to advocate for his release. Sixteen members of Congress signed a June 2024 letter to President Joe Biden, Blinken, and Roger Carstens, the Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs, urging them to take “immediate action” to get Gambaryan released.

Rep. French Hill (R-Ark.), who signed the letter, and Rep. Chrissy Houlahan (D-Penn.) traveled to Nigeria to visit Gambaryan in prison in June.

Poorly handled

Though Gambaryan was ultimately released, many of those involved in advocating for his freedom remain frustrated by the way that his situation was handled by the Biden Administration.

Infante credited Hill and Rep. Rich McCormick (R-Georgia), Gambaryan’s congressman, with advocating for his release on Capitol Hill, but stressed that their degree of involvement should not have been necessary.

“Something like that happens to me, God forbid, I hope I have a representative like Rich McCormick to fight for me,” Infante said. “But they can only do so much. Because, really, it should have been a phone call from the President. It could have been resolved very early on, in my opinion, and it wasn’t. It wasn’t prioritized, and it should have been. That’s where the frustration lies – with the White House.”

Though a spokesperson for Binance said the company doesn’t believe Gambaryan’s situation was “unique to the crypto industry,” others, including Amanda Wick, a former money laundering process who now works as a crypto consultant, believe Gambaryan’s employment in the crypto industry was part of the reason the White House dragged its feet freeing him.

“Just look at all the things about him: he was a former IRS agent that had served his country as a law enforcement agent, he was a compliance officer and he was an American. And all of that was getting subsumed and ignored because he was in crypto.”

While the government ultimately secured Gambaryan’s release, the lack of transparency throughout the negotiation process left many people closely watching the situation — including Rep. Hill — frustrated.

“Tigran is back where he belongs – home with his family in America. I remain deeply disappointed that an American business executive was held under horrible conditions on unsubstantiated charges by Nigeria, a nation that the United States considers a friend,” Hill told CoinDesk.

On November 19, Hill introduced a bill, the American Detainee Transparency and Recovery Act, aimed at increasing the transparency in the recovery process.

“Tigran should have never been wrongfully detained by the Nigerian government in the first place and his case should be an example to the incoming Trump administration of how not to treat Americans who are taken by our friends and allies,” Hill said.

Chilling effect

Wick and others said that Gambaryan’s situation is likely to create a chilling effect across the industry, and perhaps beyond, when it comes to sending American employees to foreign countries on business.

At the September protest at the UN, Wick said one of the attendees was a man who did not know Gambaryan personally, but worked in compliance at a traditional finance firm.

“Most of us were former prosecutors and agents – crypto people who either knew Tigran or were in that community. But there was a guy who came [to the protest] who used to be at Wells Fargo, and he came because it could have been him,” Wick said.

“People forget that, at the end of the day, he was just a compliance employee who was kidnapped in a foreign country for the compliance failures of his financial institution,” Wick added. “And the only reason why people were so comfortable with it was because Binance was a crypto company…but if it had been TD Bank? If it had been Wells Fargo, and an American had just been kidnapped because of the company he worked for not having a sufficient AML program and then held in a prison with terrorists? If you say it out loud, it’s ridiculous.”

Weinstein said Gambaryan’s situation raises a “huge issue” — that foreign governments, including those allied with the U.S., might feel emboldened to target and detain compliance officers without just cause to hold them as bargaining chips.

“It sets a dangerous precedent that could deter talented professionals from entering the field, engaging and frankly, is a setback for the industry’s growth and its efforts to build trust with regulators,” Weinstein said.

“Tigran’s wrongful detention was a wake up call for the entire crypto industry, and it highlighted vulnerabilities that compliance officers and professionals face when engaging with international regulators.”

Moving forward

Gambaryan is now at home and focusing on his recovery. A spokesperson for his family declined CoinDesk’s request for an interview for this story, citing his ongoing recovery.

“There is an overwhelming sense of relief and gratitude among the Binance team. Tigran’s safe return is not just a moment of personal joy but also a collective victory for those who supported him throughout this ordeal,” a Binance spokesperson said.

“That said, we remain deeply concerned about his health and are focusing right now on providing support to help him and his family during this time of healing.”

This profile is part of CoinDesk’s Most Influential 2024 package. For all of this year’s nominees, click here.

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Fairshake: Crypto Titans Use Old-School Dollars to Turn Tide in Congress

The industry went from pariah in Washington to being a top political player in less than two years, thanks in part to unlimited spending and hard-nosed tactics.

Here’s the new political calculus for a U.S. congressional candidate: You nod to crypto and say you’re on the pro-innovation side, and chances are, a million dollars (or more) could drop from the sky to pay for TV spots that highlight your strengths or pillory your opponent.

In any of hundreds of lesser known districts of the House of Representatives, a few hundred thousand dollars tends to make or break a candidate. When the leading crypto-driven political action committee notices you, a massive influx of cash can pave your way straight to Congress. The Fairshake super PAC isn’t subtle. It’s nuclear. For a relatively small industry, Fairshake is the biggest corporate money player in U.S. politics. And it’s not close to hanging up its hat as the Nov. 5 elections recede into the past.

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The main PAC and its two affiliate cousins spent some $139 million on the 2024 elections. Just Congress, mind you, not the presidential showdown. What the crypto sector wants is legislation, and Fairshake is all about securing the most expedient path toward the right number of supporters on Capitol Hill.

It’s got about $30 million left from this cycle. And its top industry benefactors have committed to another $73 million. Before the 2026 cycle even begins, this super PAC is already dominating the field with $103 million.

Thanks to current U.S. election rules, corporate interests can spend unlimited amounts to support or oppose campaigns, as long as they do so through “independent expenditures” that purchase advertising without coordinating with the campaigns they’re helping. Fairshake aimed to take full advantage of that with a simple goal. According to its primary spokesman, Josh Vlasto, the goal was to “support candidates who supported this industry and wanted to work across the aisle to advance responsible regulation,” he told CoinDesk in an interview.

They set out to show Washington that crypto was now “really focused on building a professional political operation that was going to be very well resourced and effective.”


Into 2026

So what can we still expect from what may be the most influential, issue-driven political force in the U.S.? A close look at 2024 probably tells you all you need to know about what’s still to come.

Coinbase, Ripple Labs and crypto investment firm a16z raised Fairshake from the ashes of the industry’s most recent campaign machinery, tapping at least two people involved in running a previous version. But, in contrast to the customary radical-transparency vibe the industry is proud of, Fairshake’s origin story is a no-go for the involved companies. They won’t talk about how Fairshake was formed and who hired whom. They won’t discuss the ongoing relationship between the heavy donors and the PAC management.

“We have consultants and advisors on both sides of the aisle,” said Vlasto, the person who most often does the talking for Fairshake. “We also take input from our supporters, you know, which represent real industry leaders from the crypto and blockchain sector.”While the activity of the organization is publicly disclosed, as the rules require, and the broad strategy of Fairshake is clear, the nuts and bolts are off-limits.

“I’m not getting into the sort of day-to-day,” Vlasto said. “All I can speak to is sort of the outcome of it. And the outcome is a very successful election cycle.”The industry had a profoundly tarnished reputation to build on, because disgraced FTX frontman Sam Bankman-Fried was the leading driver of crypto’s campaign contributions in the last congressional election. One in three members of Congress were funded by he and other FTX executives under his watch, though the dollar amounts paled in comparison to what the industry spent this time. Still, all those members were forced to figure out how to deal with the tainted contributions after the company imploded in a cloud of fraud.

That’s nothing Vlasto can speak to, he insists, because Fairshake is an entirely new effort with “really the crème de la crème and the blue chip companies across crypto and blockchain.”

And, while they were erecting their political siege engine, Coinbase also propped up an advocacy organization called Stand With Crypto meant to rally the troops. It was billed as “crypto’s first true grassroots movement,” despite its origin as a corporate-funded project in which Coinbase initially handled its public relations and staffed its events.

It features Fairshake’s company-led effort on its website, but it also raises money for its own activities, such as running events and maintaining a database evaluating politicians’ crypto support. The organization says it’s so far taken in $2.8 million, though its supporter list indicates $2.3 million of that is from companies Exodus and Moonpay.

Stand With Crypto signed up almost 2 million online supporters. That large number of digital assets enthusiasts is often touted as evidence of a groundswell in public support.

From political pariah to belle-of-the-ball in less than two years, the crypto industry learned in 2024 that aggressive tactics and a whole lot of money were the answer to overcoming reputational damage.

Influencing the agenda

This current congressional session provided Fairshake a live-fire exercise in influence. Instead of a theoretical idea of what crypto legislation future members of Congress may be willing to support, Fairshake got to make a more urgent case with its outsized war chest.

Two highly significant crypto test cases made a splash in Congress earlier this year.

First — and most notably — the Financial Innovation and Technology for the 21st Century Act (FIT21) was Representative Patrick McHenry’s effort to move a wide-reaching set of standards to regulate the U.S. crypto markets from top to bottom.

The other was a campaign to permanently erase a Securities and Exchange Commission crypto accounting policy in which the agency sought to make public companies hold their customers’ digital assets on their own balance sheets. It effectively forced banks to maintain capital against those assets — a cost-prohibitive demand that contributed to U.S. bankers shying away from crypto.

Both matters came up for votes. FIT21 was shepherded personally by McHenry, the Republican chairman of the House Financial Services Committee, who hoped the bill could be his swan song as he leaves the Hill at the end of the year. The Republican legislation became the first significant crypto measure to clear the committee and win passage by the House, pulling in a massive 71-vote block of Democrats and demonstrating that there’s a wide bipartisan cooperation available on digital assets legislation.

And it provided the simplest litmus test possible for the industry to know which House lawmakers were worthy of crypto cash. At the time the bill was on the House floor, the existence of Fairshake’s campaign muscle had already been noisily demonstrated when it spent about $10 million to throttle the Senate hopes of Representative Katie Porter, a crypto skeptic in California. The lawmakers who voted on FIT21 were well aware that the new player in campaign finance was watching and stood very willing to spend millions to bolster friends and defeat enemies.

Even before it spent millions to ensure more allies in the 2025 session of Congress, Fairshake was already influencing policy. 

The SEC’s controversial accounting rule — known as Staff Accounting Bulletin No. 121, or SAB 121 — came up for a vote in the Senate as lobbyists sought to reverse the SEC’s position. That vote was made possible after the Government Accountability Office said the regulator mishandled the policy by trying to tuck it into staff guidance rather than treating it as a full-blown rule. Lawmakers sought to toss it out under the Congressional Review Act, and both the House and Senate passed the effort. Most notably, the 60-38 Senate vote showed a significant number of Democrats bucking their leadership to join. It forced President Joe Biden to make good on a veto threat, meaning the policy remained intact at the SEC despite Congress’ wishes.

Still, it gave Fairshake and the crypto industry a list of which sitting senators were on the side of this financial technology.

“The broad strategy was to pick races where ultimately someone who was pro-crypto, pro-blockchain, pro-innovation would come out on top and win the scene,” Vlasto said.

During the primaries, the PAC often deployed money in big bursts, sometimes dumping more than $1 million into a relatively obscure campaign where that kind of money could drown out opposition. On social media, high-profile Democrat Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez characterized the spending as “insane sums.” At first, much of it was based on relatively flimsy evidence of crypto support on candidate websites, but with incumbent lawmakers, their recent voting record made for harder targets.

In the Democrat-dominated congressional district that covers Westchester County and part of the Bronx in New York, incumbent Representative Jamaal Bowman has opposed both of the big crypto efforts. Fairshake dropped more than $2 million in negative ads against him in that race, and Bowman was easily defeated in the primary.

When it came to lining up the congressional races it would support, the group was also very careful to balance its choices between the two major parties, often angering both. In the end, it backed about the same from each, though its two marquee efforts devoted tens of millions to derailing Democrats the industry disliked: Porter in California and Senator Sherrod Brown (Ohio), chairman of the Senate Banking Committee.

Where its practical thinking was obvious, though, could be seen in Massachusetts, where Fairshake didn’t devote money to crypto lawyer John Deaton’s race against Senator Elizabeth Warren, the well-known Democrat who is arguably the industry’s most powerful critic on Capitol Hill. The odds were always very long against beating Warren in her state, and money spent there was ultimately wasted.

A point of pride for Fairshake staff is that any time a candidate started objecting that corporate money from crypto was underwriting their opponent, the argument was unsuccessful. The PAC organizers interpret that record as demonstrating that voters aren’t moved by efforts to use digital assets as a political scare tactic. 

“When we supported a candidate aggressively who was pro-crypto, their opponent attempted to make an issue out of the spending and say that voters should not support our preferred candidate because they were receiving support from crypto,” Vlasto recalled, and that opponent tended to lose.

“Every time.”

Going into 2025 and a new congressional session, more than four dozen members of Congress were backed by Fairshake — almost half of them new arrivals in their elected office. At this point, the PAC estimates that about 300 of the 535 members of the House and Senate are on crypto’s side. 

But Fairshake has $103 million in its pockets before most other super PACs have even started, meaning sitting lawmakers in the next session will be aware that a huge stockpile of cash will be ready to help them in 2026 if they cooperate with crypto legislation.

And those hoping to join Congress in the 2027 session will know that a simple nod toward crypto could help them raise fast support.

This profile is part of CoinDesk’s Most Influential 2024 package. For all of this year’s nominees, click here.

Fairshake’s approach will not only influence the U.S. legislative branch. The crypto industry has now demonstrated that large amounts of money concentrated into a single purpose can have an outsized electoral impact.

“We were on the right side of the arguments,” Faryar Shirzad, chief policy officer of Coinbase in a CoinDesk interview, when asked whether another group could repeat the results.

Beyond the campaign money, there was a wider upswell of crypto support. “I don’t know if other industries can replicate the grassroots and the merits of the arguments in the way we can. But I doubt it.”

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Shayne Coplan: He Took Prediction Markets Mainstream

In so doing, Polymarket’s founder demonstrated a real-world consumer use case for crypto, earning him a spot on CoinDesk’s Most Influential 2024 list.

For decades, prediction markets were a backwater, a science experiment.

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In 2024, Shayne Coplan, founder of Polymarket, turned them into a multibillion-dollar business and a popular barometer of the political winds, cited by everyone from Donald Trump to CNN.

In so doing, he demonstrated a real-world consumer use case for cryptocurrency – and, some argue, a new model for news media at a time when the public has lost trust in traditional sources of information.

“Most people I know were checking Polymarket for odds during the election,” said Meltem Demirors, a crypto O.G. and early investor in the company. “You’re creating so much signal that you’re getting people who don’t care about crypto, and would never care about crypto” to look at the site.

Like many crypto founders – and even some successful tech founders – the 26-year-old Coplan also took what looks like a calculated risk in pushing the regulatory envelope. In mid-November, the FBI raided his New York home and confiscated his devices, reportedly as part of a Department of Justice investigation into whether Polymarket was operating illegally in the U.S. Coplan has laid low since then, and would not comment for this article.

However that investigation shakes out, Coplan has brought unprecedented attention to an idea long advanced by academics: That the wisdom of the crowd, backed by skin in the game, can produce more accurate forecasts – or at least, more accurate gauges of sentiment – than traditional experts or polls.

“This man made prediction markets mainstream. Simple as that,” said Hart Lambur, co-founder of UMA, the decentralized oracle service that Polymarket uses to resolve contracts. “He’s just been the guy that’s grinded through the pain and been dedicated to the Polymarket concept for years.”

A stubborn wunderkind

Demirors recalls meeting Coplan in 2018, when the college dropout was about 18 years old, on the recommendation of a crypto colleague.

“Shayne came to my office, and we basically just argued with each other for two hours,” Demirors said. “I was like, ‘wow, this kid is sharp.'”

Pratik Chougule, executive director of the Coalition for Political Forecasting, got a similar impression interviewing Coplan for the Star Spangled Gamblers podcast early in Polymarket’s history.

“He’s a very unique figure in the sense that he’s this creative artist type, but he’s also delved deeply into academic literature, and he really understands technicalities of building something on the blockchain,” said Chougule.

Demirors said that in addition to investing in an early Polymarket round during the pandemic, she has been “a little bit of a big sis” to Coplan, acting as a sounding board as he built the business.

“He’s just an opinionated, stubborn little f*ck, and I love him,” she said, adding that Coplan’s headstrong personality served him well as a founder.

Early on, “people tried to pressure him to launch a token, and he was like, ‘we’re not doing that.’ People tried to pressure him to open up markets before the infrastructure was ready. He was like, ‘we’re not doing that.'”

Volume and vindication

Flip Pidot, a veteran prediction market trader and analyst, estimated that Polymarket racked up $3.6 billion in trading volume just from this year’s U.S. presidential election, giving it a dominant, 74% market share. In previous election cycles, the entire prediction market industry never cracked $1 billion, he said.

Many saw the election as a moment of vindication for Polymarket. In the weeks leading up to the event, Polymarket odds signaled a sizable lead for Trump while the polls showed a toss-up between the former president and his Democratic opponent, Vice President Kamala Harris. Trump won handily.

Yet a clearer validation of Polymarket’s informational value arguably came in July, when President Joe Biden dropped out of the race and endorsed Harris.

For months, cable news’ talking heads dismissed any talk of replacing Biden on the Democratic ticket, despite the 82-year-old’s frequent public stumbles.

https://twitter.com/0rf/status/1807620571934478683

Polymarket told a different story: Even after Biden won enough votes to clinch the Democratic nomination in mid-March, traders gave him only an 80% chance of being the nominee. A separate contract asking point blank if he would drop out gave low but nontrivial odds in the teens and 20s throughout the first half of the year.

“People were like, ‘Oh, these [traders] are right-wing crypto bros, they’re just conspiracy theorists. They don’t know what’s going on,'” said a Polymarket user who goes by the handle CSPTrading. “And they were completely vindicated.”

Following Biden’s disastrous, doddering performance in the June 27 debate with Trump, the narrative quickly changed, with Democratic leaders and donors calling for the incumbent to step aside, as he did a month later.

More so than with the election, the pundits (who had nothing to lose from being wrong) got it wrong by claiming epistemic certainty. Polymarket’s traders (who had money on the line) got it right by telegraphing a modicum of doubt.

Spectrum of decentralization

In prediction markets, traders bet on verifiable outcomes of events in specified timeframes. (Which movie will gross the biggest box office of 2024? Will this be the hottest year on record?) Questions are usually framed as yes-or-no propositions, for which traders can purchase “yes” or “no” shares. Each share pays $1 (or, in Polymarket’s case, the equivalent in crypto) if the prediction comes true, bupkis if not.

Bettors can buy and sell shares any time, and prices fluctuate like on stock markets. Expressed as cents on the dollar, these prices signal the market’s assessment of an outcome’s probability. On Dec. 4, for example, “yes” shares for the Detroit Lions winning the next Super Bowl traded at 18 cents on Polymarket, meaning bettors gave the team an 18% chance of victory. The corresponding “no” shares were priced at 82 cents.

Prediction markets date back to the late 19th Century, when Wall Street traders would bet millions (tens of millions in today’s dollars) on city, state and national elections. “There was more money bet in presidential betting markets than in the stock markets at the time,” said Robin Hanson, an economist at George Mason University.

Since the late-1980s, Hanson has championed prediction markets as a way to aggregate information and thereby improve decision making by corporations and even governments.

“One of the obstacles, of course, was that betting markets had many legal barriers, and cultural barriers [because] many people disapproved of them and thought they had little social value,” Hanson told CoinDesk.

This is one reason why blockchains, decentralized financial systems with no central authority that a government can shut down, have long been seen as a natural home for prediction markets. They are one of the use cases Ethereum architect Vitalik Buterin described in his 2014 white paper for what would become the second-largest blockchain. (As a teenager, Coplan bought into the Ethereum crowdsale; a decade later, Buterin invested in Polymarket.)

The modern-day prediction markets Hanson inspired can be viewed on a spectrum. On one end there’s the model used by Augur, one of the first projects built on Ethereum.

“One of the advantages is that it’s 100% decentralized,” said Joey Krug, who co-founded Augur in 2015. “If you’re building it, you’re effectively writing code. It’s effectively free speech, assuming you’re not taking a fee for yourself, and it’s also pretty flexible in the sense that anyone can kind of create a market on anything.”

But as crypto veterans know all too well, decentralization requires trade-offs.

Best of both worlds?

“It’s really hard to market if you’re building something decentralized,” said Krug, who is now a partner at Peter Thiel’s Founders Fund and led its investment in Polymarket’s $45 million Series B round.

(For whatever it’s worth: Thiel was an early investor in Bullish, two years before that company acquired CoinDesk. Bullish has not disclosed a cap table since 2021, and CoinDesk journalists do not know the current roster of investors in its parent.)

“The whole point is that you don’t want to take on the regulatory version of being this central operator that does everything,” Krug said. “And so you don’t really market it. … You don’t do all this stuff that you need to do to actually get usage.”

Consequently, Augur had very little. (In fairness, Polymarket benefits from Ethereum infrastructure that wasn’t around when Augur debuted).

On the “very centralized” end of the continuum, there’s Kalshi. Founded in 2018, the startup boasts about its status as the first (and, until recently, only) regulated prediction market platform in the U.S.

This route has its own disadvantages. In 2023, the Commodity Futures Trading Commission denied Kalshi’s application to list election-related contracts, and the company spent most of this year fighting the regulator in court for the right to do so – while watching Polymarket enjoy the volume and publicity from political betting fever. Only after an appeals court upheld a ruling in its favor in early October, a month before the election, was Kalshi cleared to list political contracts.

Polymarket is in the middle of the spectrum. In some ways, it’s decentralized. It uses smart contracts on a blockchain (Polygon, a layer-two, or auxiliary network, to Ethereum) and doesn’t custody users’ funds. Bets are denominated in USDC, a stablecoin that trades 1:1 for dollars. Early on, an internal market integrity committee resolved Polymarket’s contracts, before Coplan’s team delegated this job to the decentralized UMA protocol.

“If you are sufficiently sophisticated, you can interact entirely with Polymarket without ever touching the website,” said Haseeb Qureshi, a managing partner at Dragonfly, another VC investor in Polymarket. “The trades settle all on-chain. You can interact with everything through APIs.”

But you don’t have to. Unlike Augur (which co-founder Krug admitted “kind of sucks to use”) or for that matter many crypto exchanges (decentralized or otherwise), traders have found Polymarket easy to use and reliable.

“The platform’s really smooth, it runs really well,” said CSPTrading. “On election night, it was basically up the entire time, which is crazy because… all the other sites were crashing.”

‘Decentralized enough’

One way Polymarket is centralized is that it curates markets. Community members can suggest ideas in the Discord server, but the team decides which ones get posted. With little fanfare, the platform recently debuted a “creators” page where big names like polling analyst Nate Silver (a Polymarket advisor) and the financial blogger Zerohedge have their own branded markets.

“I think Polymarket is moving its way towards more decentralization,” said Qureshi. “They’re also right to be doing this in a gradual, thoughtful way, rather than just turning everything on and saying, ‘let the dogs of hell run loose.'”

In Demirors’ view, Polymarket is “decentralized enough.” The key to winning this game, she said, is amassing “a large enough global pool of market participants,” because traders want to be where the liquidity is. By building on crypto rails at the right time, that’s what Polymarket has become.

“That’s the beauty of crypto. It’s global. Anyone with a wallet address can join,” Demirors said.

However, Polymarket wasn’t decentralized enough for U.S. regulators to consider it untouchable. In January 2022, the company paid a $1.4 million civil penalty and entered into a settlement with the CFTC, which said the company had been operating an unlicensed derivatives exchange because its services were available to U.S. citizens and residents.

Since then, the company has blocked U.S. IP addresses, but wily Americans have been using virtual private networks, or VPNs, to get around the geofencing. Apparently, the government thinks the company should have done more to keep Americans out, perhaps by requiring customer identification. (which Polymarket has requested only from a subset of users).

“Polymarket is required to adhere to the terms of the settlement they reached with the CFTC. Full stop,” a CFTC spokesperson told CoinDesk in late October, two weeks before law enforcement officials raided Coplan’s home. “That means they cannot accept any business from people living in the United States.”

In a post on X (formerly Twitter), Coplan called the raid a “last-ditch effort” by the lame-duck Biden administration “to go after companies they deem to be associated with political opponents,” though he reiterated that Polymarket is nonpartisan.

Challenges ahead

Polymarket’s investors and supporters are hopeful the incoming Trump administration will end the probe as part of a broad pro-crypto agenda.

Even if Polymarket receives clemency, Coplan faces other challenges, not least of all maintaining volumes without a galvanizing tent-pole event like a presidential election.

The company, which currently doesn’t charge trading fees, also must figure out a long-term revenue model. And a handful of outcome disputes, including for a market on whether Trump’s son Barron was “involved” in a memecoin, suggest Polymarket needs to improve its resolution criteria.

Yet, by at least one measure, Coplan has already succeeded.

“Shayne’s vision has always been that this is a product that can disrupt traditional media and political discourse … and he achieved that” said Chougule, at the Coalition for Political Forecasting. “This was always the dream, that you would have major talk shows, cable news, places like Politico and Bloomberg citing prediction markets as a source of information, as something that can enlighten even people who know nothing or don’t care about prediction markets.”

Merhaba arkadaşlar, bugün sizlere Prizmabet adlı bir bahis sitesinden bahsedeceğim. Prizmabet, Betconstruct altyapısı ile üyelerine kaliteli hizmetler veren ve ülkemizin önde gelen bahis sitelerinden bir tanesidir. 2009 yılında kurulan Prizmabet, lisanslı, güvenilir ve avantajlı bir site olarak dikkat çekmektedir. Prizmabet’te spor bahisleri, canlı bahisler, casino, canlı casino, slot oyunları, sanal sporlar ve daha pek çok seçenek bulabilirsiniz. Prizmabet’te oyun oynamak için aradığınız ortamı fazlası ile bulacaksınız.

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Prizmabet para yatırma ve çekme işlemleri konusunda da üyelerine kolaylık sağlamaktadır. Prizmabet’te banka havalesi, kredi kartı, papara, cepbank, QR kod, bitcoin gibi farklı yöntemlerle para yatırabilir ve çekebilirsiniz. Para yatırma ve çekme işlemleri 7/24 yapılabilmekte ve kısa sürede hesaplara yansımaktadır. Prizmabet para yatırma ve çekme işlemlerinde herhangi bir komisyon veya kesinti de yapmamaktadır.

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Sonuç olarak, Prizmabet ülkemizin en iyi bahis sitelerinden biri olarak gösterilebilir. Prizmabet’te hem eğlenceli hem de kazançlı bir bahis deneyimi yaşayabilirsiniz. Prizmabet’e üye olmak için güncel giriş adresini web sitemizden bulabilirsiniz. Prizmabet’e girmek için tıklayınız! Prizmabet’e katıldığınıza pişman olmayacaksınız!

Bitcoin’s $100K Breakout Pause Likely Due to Liquidity Factors and Nvidia’s Stalled Rally

Slower inflow of liquidity and risk-off cues from NVDA might be holding back the upside.

For the third week, bitcoin (BTC) remains locked in a price range between $90,000 and $100,000, punctuated only by Dec. 5’s short-lived rise into six figures.
This indecisive price action might have left traders feeling uninspired, with two key reasons holding back the upside.

First, the influx of liquidity into the crypto market through channels like spot exchange-traded funds (ETFs) has significantly slowed, taking the wind out of the bullish momentum.

Story continues below

The weekly rate of change in the so-called market liquidity impulse index, which tracks stablecoin mints, inflows into BTC ETFs and changes in futures market parameters, has more than halved to $7 billion from highs above $15 billion seen early last month, according to data tracked by 10x Research.

“This slowdown in liquidity growth may partially explain why bitcoin is struggling to sustain levels above $100,000,” Markus Thielen, founder of 10x Research, said in a note to clients Wednesday.

Liquidity impulse (weekly) versus BTC (10x Research)

The liquidity indicator has chalked out lower highs of late, diverging bearishly from BTC’s price.

Stablecoins are cryptocurrencies pegged to an external reference like the U.S. dollar and are widely used to fund crypto purchases. Meanwhile, ETFs are preferred investment vehicles for those looking to take exposure to the cryptocurrency without owning it. The same can be said about CME’s cash-settled futures.

The other reason, overlooked by most pundits, is the slowdown in the uptrend in shares in chipmaker Nvidia (NVDA), the world’s biggest company. Since the debut of ChatGPT in late 2022, NVDA has emerged as a bellwether for all things AI and risk assets in general.

BTC and NVDA bottomed out in late 2022 and boasted a strong positive correlation since then, barring the summer, when supply overhang fears kept BTC from tracking NVDA higher. As of writing, the three-month correlation between the two was 0.6.

Analysts at TheMarketEar believe BTC, with its post-U.S. election surge from $70,000 to $100,000, has caught up with NVDA

“Same psychology; winners like winners. BTC has ‘caught up’ to NVDA. They have little fundamentals in common but are driven by similar psychology,” analysts at TheMarketEar said in a note to clients, adding that NVDA is one of the few stocks that has outperformed BTC this year and over the last five years.

While BTC has risen 130% this year, NVDA has gained 172%, according to data source TradingView.

NVDA’s uptrend, however, has run out of steam since mid-November, with prices now teasing a bearish reversal pattern for heads and shoulders. Besides, the one-year put-call skew now shows calls trading at par with puts, exhibiting a neutral sentiment as opposed to a strong call (bullish) bias early this year, according to data source Market Chameleon.

That said, bullish excesses have been crowded out from the crypto market, as noted in Tuesday’s edition of the Crypto Daybook Americas. With the market normalized to more healthy leverage levels, we could see BTC having another go at the $100,000 mark, but sustainability of the breakout likely depends on liquidity inflows and broader risk sentiment.

Merhaba arkadaşlar, bugün sizlere Prizmabet adlı bir bahis sitesinden bahsedeceğim. Prizmabet, Betconstruct altyapısı ile üyelerine kaliteli hizmetler veren ve ülkemizin önde gelen bahis sitelerinden bir tanesidir. 2009 yılında kurulan Prizmabet, lisanslı, güvenilir ve avantajlı bir site olarak dikkat çekmektedir. Prizmabet’te spor bahisleri, canlı bahisler, casino, canlı casino, slot oyunları, sanal sporlar ve daha pek çok seçenek bulabilirsiniz. Prizmabet’te oyun oynamak için aradığınız ortamı fazlası ile bulacaksınız.

Prizmabet’in en önemli özelliklerinden biri de Prizmabet TV kanalıdır. Bu kanal sayesinde bahis sitesinde bulunan müsabakaları üyeler bir ücrete katlanmadan istedikleri zaman takip edebiliyor. Böylece hem heyecanlı hem de kazançlı bir bahis deneyimi yaşayabiliyorsunuz. Prizmabet TV kanalında futbol, basketbol, tenis, voleybol gibi popüler spor dallarının yanı sıra daha az bilinen sporlara da yer verilmektedir. Prizmabet TV kanalını kullanmak için sadece siteye üye olmanız ve yatırım yapmanız yeterlidir.

Prizmabet ayrıca üyelerine bol miktarda bonus ve promosyon da sunmaktadır. Prizmabet’te ilk üyelik bonusu olarak 100 TL deneme bonusu alabilirsiniz. Bunun yanında yatırım bonusları, kayıp bonusları, arkadaş davet bonusu, doğum günü bonusu gibi farklı bonuslar da mevcuttur. Prizmabet bonusları sayesinde daha fazla oyun oynayabilir ve kazancınızı artırabilirsiniz. Prizmabet bonuslarının çevrim şartları da oldukça makul seviyededir.

Prizmabet para yatırma ve çekme işlemleri konusunda da üyelerine kolaylık sağlamaktadır. Prizmabet’te banka havalesi, kredi kartı, papara, cepbank, QR kod, bitcoin gibi farklı yöntemlerle para yatırabilir ve çekebilirsiniz. Para yatırma ve çekme işlemleri 7/24 yapılabilmekte ve kısa sürede hesaplara yansımaktadır. Prizmabet para yatırma ve çekme işlemlerinde herhangi bir komisyon veya kesinti de yapmamaktadır.

Prizmabet müşteri hizmetleri de üyelerine 7/24 canlı destek hizmeti sağlamaktadır. Prizmabet canlı destek ekibi sayesinde site ile ilgili her türlü soru, sorun veya önerinizi iletebilir ve anında çözüm bulabilirsiniz. Prizmabet canlı destek ekibi profesyonel, güler yüzlü ve yardımseverdir.

Sonuç olarak, Prizmabet ülkemizin en iyi bahis sitelerinden biri olarak gösterilebilir. Prizmabet’te hem eğlenceli hem de kazançlı bir bahis deneyimi yaşayabilirsiniz. Prizmabet’e üye olmak için güncel giriş adresini web sitemizden bulabilirsiniz. Prizmabet’e girmek için tıklayınız! Prizmabet’e katıldığınıza pişman olmayacaksınız!

French minister Bruno Retailleau pushes for stricter EU migration policy

Rapidly implementing the European Pact on Asylum and Migration and revising the Returns Directive: France’s Minister of the Interior, Bruno Retailleau, is announcing firm policies, even if it means moving closer to Europe’s radical right.

As the newest minister to partake in the Council of the European Union, Frenchman Bruno Retailleau attended his first meeting of home affairs ministers on Thursday.

Before taking his first steps on the European stage, the French representative had immediately set his political stance: he wants a firmer approach to migration policy.

On his arrival in Luxembourg, the former president of the conservative Republicans party in the French parliament assured everyone that Europe would come together to protect its citizens “from migratory shocks.”

For European Policy Centre political analyst Eric Maurice, Retailleau is in line with the political guarantee he must provide within the minority French government, behind which the shadow of the far right constantly looms.

“Bruno Retailleau is a token given to the French right and the far right in terms of discourse since Bruno Retailleau is quite tough on migration issues,” Maurice told Euronews.

Following the parliamentary elections, no group obtained an absolute majority. The left-wing bloc, the New Popular Front, came out on top, ahead of the presidential camp, Ensemble, and the far-right National Rally.

The Republicans, who now hold the offices of the prime minister and interior minister, received 6% of the vote. This team’s political survival, which relies on the presidential centre and the Christian Democrats, therefore depends on the parties outside the coalition.

A ‘radically different world’

Having pushed for the European Pact on Asylum and Migration, adopted last spring after years of difficult negotiations, Retailleau is now calling for it to be implemented as quickly as possible, or even “in advance”.

The French minister also wants to review the Return Directive, whose guiding principle is to return all illegal immigrants to their country of origin or transit. This text, adopted in 2008, also sets the duration of detention and the treatment of minors.

Retailleau claimed the regulation was drafted and adopted “in a radically different world”.

“It is a misnomer because, in reality, the Return Directive prevents many people from returning,” he said.

In addition, the French interior minister “does not rule out any a priori solution” for transferring migrants to centres outside the EU along the lines of the agreement between Italy and Albania. “All innovative solutions must be used,” he insisted.

This radical approach is echoed across Europe. The far right is gaining ground at the polls in several member countries, Germany has reintroduced controls at its land borders, the Netherlands is reforming its asylum policy, and Hungary was fined 200 million euros by the EU Court of Justice in June on charges of “systematic and deliberate evasion” of European asylum policy.

Domestic target audience

“Perhaps Bruno Retailleau saw this as a political opportunity”, Maurice suggested.

“I think he has a mainly national vision. He is also someone who is not extremely well known on the national political scene. He was within the Senate, he was the leader of the right-wing group in the Senate.”

“But he needs to carve out a national political stature for himself. He needs to assert his political identity. I think we’re talking about a proactive stance to mark out his political territory within the coalition,” Maurice explained.

Retailleau also provoked controversy over the rule of law. He believes that, as a principle, it “is not intangible, nor sacred”, a comment quickly reframed by French Prime Minister Michel Barnier.

However, these comments seem to have won over Hungary’s PM Viktor Orbàn, who admitted to the press at the European Parliament in Strasbourg on Tuesday that he had “a great deal of respect for” the French minister.

Four Reasons Ether ETFs Have Underperformed

ETH ETFs haven’t gained the same traction as BTC ETFs, even seeing net outflows this week. Tom Carreras investigates why.

For many investors, the performance of spot ether (ETH) exchange-traded funds (ETFs) has been disappointing.

Whereas spot bitcoin (BTC) ETFs processed almost $19 billion in inflows in the course of 10 months, ether ETFs, which began trading in July, have failed to produce the same kind of interest.

Even worse, Grayscale’s ETHE, which existed as an ether Trust prior to its conversion into an ETF, has suffered massive redemptions, and demand for other ether funds has failed to offset them.

That means ether ETFs have, so far, experienced $556 million in net outflows since they launched. Just this week, the products have bled out a net $8 million, according to Farside data.

So why are ether ETFs performing so differently? There are a few possible reasons.

Putting inflows into context

First of all, it’s important to note that ether ETFs only look bad in contrast to bitcoin ETFs. The bitcoin products have broken so many records that they’re arguably the most successful ETFs of all time.

For example, the ETFs issued by BlackRock and Fidelity, IBIT and FBTC, collected $4.2 billion and $3.5 billion each in their first 30 days, smashing the previous record, held by BlackRock’s Climate Conscious fund, which had garnered $2.2 billion in its first month, August 2023.

While ether ETFs failed to replicate these kinds of earth-shattering results, three of the funds are still among the top 25 best performing ETFs of the year, according to ETF Store president Nate Geraci.

BlackRock’s ETHE, Fidelity’s FBTC, and Bitwise’s ETHW have vacuumed up almost $1 billion, $367 million, and $239 million in assets respectively – not bad at all for two-and-a-half months old funds.

“Spot ether ETFs were never going to challenge spot bitcoin ETFs in terms of inflows,” Geraci told CoinDesk.

“If you look at the underlying spot markets, ether is about one-fourth the market cap of bitcoin. That should be a reasonable proxy of where spot ether ETF demand ends up longer-term relative to spot bitcoin ETFs.”

The problem is that Grayscale’s ETHE has drowned out these funds’ performances with its large outflows.

Spun up in 2017 as a trust, ETHE was originally designed, for regulatory reasons, in a way that didn’t permit investors to redeem their ETF shares – the money was stuck in the product. That changed on July 23, when Grayscale won approval to convert its trust into a proper ETF.

At the time of conversion, ETHE had roughly $1 billion in assets, and while some of those assets were moved by Grayscale itself to another of its funds – the ether mini ETF – ETHE has suffered from almost $3 billion in outflows.

It’s worth noting that Grayscale experienced the same thing with its bitcoin ETF, GBTC, which has processed more than $20 billion in outflows since its conversion in January. However, the stellar performances of BlackRock and Fidelity’s spot Bitcoin ETFs have more than offset GBTC’s bleedout.

Lack of staking yield

One of the big differences between bitcoin and ether is that investors can stake ether – essentially locking it into the Ethereum network to earn a yield paid out in ether.

However, in their current form, ether ETFs don’t allow investors to gain exposure to staking. So holding ether through an ETF means missing out on that yield (currently about 3.5%) – and paying a management fee to issuers that can range from 0.15% to 2.5%.

While some traditional investors won’t mind giving up that yield in exchange for the convenience and safety of an ETF, it makes sense for crypto-natives to find alternative ways of holding ether.

“If you’re a competent fund manager with even a basic understanding of the crypto market and you’re managing someone’s money, why would you buy an ether ETF right now?” Adam Morgan McCarthy, an analyst at crypto data firm Kaiko Research, told CoinDesk.

“You pay to get exposure to ETH (and the underlying is custodied at Coinbase) or you buy the underlying yourself and stake it with the exact same provider in return for some yield,” McCarthy said.

Marketing Ethereum to clients

Another obstacle for ether ETFs is that it can be hard for some investors to understand the core use-case for Ethereum because it seeks to lead in several, diverse areas of crypto.

Bitcoin was created with a hard cap on supply: There will never be more than 21 million bitcoin in existence. That makes it relatively easy for investors to see it as “digital gold” and a potential hedge against inflation.

Explaining why a decentralized, open-source smart contract platform matters – and more importantly, why ether stands to accrue in value – is another task altogether.

“One of the challenges for ether ETFs in penetrating the 60/40 Boomer world is distilling its purpose/value into an easy-to-understand soundbite,” Bloomberg Intelligence ETF analyst Eric Balchunas wrote in May.

McCarthy agreed. “Ether is just that bit more complex to get across to people – it’s not built for an elevator pitch,” he told CoinDesk.

It’s no wonder, then, that crypto index fund Bitwise recently launched an educational ad campaign highlighting the technological benefits of Ethereum.

“As investors learn more about stablecoins, decentralized finance, tokenization, prediction markets, and the many other applications powered by Ethereum, they will enthusiastically embrace both technology and the US-listed Ethereum ETPs,” Zach Pandl, head of research at Grayscale, told CoinDesk.

Poor price performance

There’s also the fact that ETH itself hasn’t performed all that well compared to BTC this year.

The second largest cryptocurrency by market capitalization is only up 4% since Jan. 1, whereas BTC has risen 42% and keeps hovering around its 2021 all-time highs.

“One factor contributing to the success of the bitcoin ETFs, which remain mostly retail-driven, has been investor animal spirits and fear of missing out, which itself was fueled by BTC’s 65% rise into the ETF launch and subsequent 33% gain since,” Brian Rudick, director of research at crypto trading firm GSR, told CoinDesk.

“ETH’s 30% price decline since its ETFs launched has put a large damper on retail enthusiasm to buy the funds,” Rudick added. “Sentiment around Ethereum is low, with some seeing it as stuck between Bitcoin as the best monetary asset and Solana as the best high-performance smart contract blockchain.”

Unattractive valuation

Finally, there’s a possibility that traditional investors simply don’t find ether’s valuation attractive at these levels.

At a market capitalization of roughly $290 billion, ether already has a higher valuation than any bank in the world except for JPMorgan Chase and Bank of America, which stand at $608 billion and $311 billion respectively.

And while that might seem like an apples-to-oranges comparison, Quinn Thompson, founder of crypto hedge fund Lekker Capital, told CoinDesk that ether’s valuation also looks high compared to tech stocks.

Ether’s valuation “next to other assets
is now uglier because there is no justification for its price on any sort of valuation framework,” Thompson wrote in September. “Either price has to come down, or a new generally accepted valuation framework for the asset needs to be widely accepted.”

The Protocol: When Trump Bought Red-Meat Bitcoin Burgers, He Called It ‘Crypto’

Republican U.S. presidential candidate Donald Trump won chits from the Bitcoin community for reportedly purchasing smash burgers at a Bitcoin-friendly New York pub. But in a way, the whole episode was about damage control.

Bitcoiners aren’t usually the forgiving type – especially toward perceived apostates who ape into other cryptocurrencies. That’s why Republican U.S. presidential nominee Donald Trump’s visit last week to a beloved Bitcoin bar in New York appeared so well timed – to repair any lost credibility after he and his family started promoting a decentralized-finance project that appears rooted in other blockchain ecosystems.

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Screenshot of the Zaprite invoice used by Republican U.S. presidential nominee Donald Trump to buy burgers and Diet Cokes at the bar PubKey in New York (PubKey/X)

LESSER EVILISM – It goes without saying that many Bitcoin purists do not like to mingle their business, politics or even company with users of other blockchains or cryptocurrencies. Which is partly why the Republican U.S. presidential nominee Donald Trump garnered so much scorn from Bitcoiners last week for promoting a very-much-NOT-Bitcoin decentralized-finance project, World Liberty Financial – complete with its own token, and a pre-mined allocation to insiders. “Trump launching a sh*tcoin may have been the final straw to lose my vote,” tweeted Bitcoin-friendly author Mitchell Askew. Responses on the thread ranged from total agreement to what one might call lesser evilism – the rhetorical contrast of one bad option with an even worse option: “True but it’s that or WW3 with commie Kamala,” wrote @FrictionlessBTC.

The DeFi dalliance threatened to undo much of the goodwill Trump built up at the Bitcoin Nashville conference in July, when he tossed out a series of red-meat pledges, including commuting the rest of Silk Road creator Ross Ulbrecht’s life sentence and creating a “strategic national bitcoin stockpile.” Multiple standing ovations ensued.

So it was fortuitous timing for Trump that his campaign scheduled a stop, later in the week, at the Bitcoin-friendly New York City bar, PubKey. According to the bar’s official X account, Trump bought 50 smash burgers and Diet Cokes for people in attendance, at a total cost of $998.77 including tax and tip, and then paid for it all in bitcoin. Fox News posted a video of the entire scene, leading a sharp-eyed reporter from CryptoSlate to quickly point out that Trump’s role mainly consisted of standing by at the counter while handlers actually performed the transaction, passing smartphones back and forth between them. Whatever. The bar crowd cheered. “Crypto burgers!” Trump said as he handed them out. A voice from behind the camera corrected him, “Bitcoin burgers!”

As much as it was a second chance for Trump to prove his Bitcoin bona fides, the choreographed transaction served as a sort of benchmark for the blockchain’s evolution as a viable payments option for a retail-facing business in the U.S. Will Cole, head of product at the Bitcoin payments app Zaprite (who happens to be Bitcoin-friendly U.S. Senator Cynthia Lummis’s son-in-law), described what he called the “Trump stack:” PubKey, running a node on Bitcoin’s Lightning Network on Voltage Cloud, used Zaprite to provide an invoice for the purchase, and Trump paid using a Strike wallet. (Official spokespeople for the Trump campaign didn’t respond to CoinDesk’s email asking where the bitcoin originated from.)

Asked whether the episode might have helped erase any lingering disgust among Bitcoiners over the World Liberty Financial rollout, PubKey founder Thomas Pacchia didn’t exactly dispute the premise of the question: “The other stuff that the family has going on is sort of outside our purview and scope,” he said in an interview. “Everybody is on a journey toward understanding the difference between Bitcoin and crypto. I like to meet people where they are.”

ELSEWHERE:

Caroline Ellison exits a Manhattan courthouse after being sentenced to two years in prison on Sept. 24, 2024. (Victor Chen/CoinDesk)

Huddle01, Blockchain Video Conferencing Project That Seeks to Outdo Zoom, Targets $37M Node Sale

Huddle01 CTO Susmit Lavania, left, and CEO Ayush Ranjan, on a Huddle video conference call. (Huddle01)

Huddle01, a blockchain project to provide decentralized audio and video conferencing – aiming to provide lower latency virtual meetings than Zoom and Google Meet – plans to raise as much as $37 million in a sale of network nodes.

The 49,600 “media nodes” being sold offer operators a way to contribute excess internet bandwidth the communication network, in exchange for token rewards. According to a litepaper, some 21% of the project’s HUDL tokens will be distributed to media nodes.

“These nodes will power a network that already outperforms the incumbent Web2 competitors on latency where there is a large cluster of nodes, and is capable of improving lags across the globe,” Huddle01 CEO Ayush Ranjan said in the release, shared exclusively with CoinDesk.

The project is built using technology borrowed from the Ethereum layer-2 network Arbitrum. A test network will launch two weeks after the sale completes, according to the press release.

Huddle01 becomes the latest in a growing trend of blockchain projects conducting node sales as a way to raise funds while simultaneously decentralizing their networks.

GO HERE FOR THE FULL STORY BY BRADLEY KEOUN

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Fundraisings

Screengrab from Daylight blog post with examples of personalized transaction recommendations (Daylight)

Deals and grants

Deus X CEO Tim Grant (Deus X)

Data and Tokens

*Regulatory and Policy

Protocol Village

Top picks of the past week from our Protocol Village column, highlighting key blockchain tech upgrades and news.

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Culture Re-View: One of eight attempts on Queen Victoria’s life is made in London

On 30 May, 1842, Queen Victoria survived the second attempt on her life in as many days.

Many monarchs manage to avoid attempts on their lives for their entire reign, but Queen Victoria was not so lucky. 

On 29 May, the British monarch was returning to Buckingham Palace after a church service with her beloved husband Prince Albert beside her in the royal carriage. Hiding as the horse-drawn vehicle made its way down The Mall in London, John Francis, a 20-year-old cabinetmaker – described by Albert as “a little, swarthy, ill-looking radical” pointed a gun at the Queen.

When the weapon failed to fire, Francis fled the scene and disappeared into crowds in nearby Green Park.

Immediately after the event, the then-Prime Minister Robert Peel – widely regarded as the father of modern British policing – agreed to help in identifying the culprit.

Clearly, that wasn’t enough as, when Victoria and Albert decided to ride out again the next day, escorted by only two outrider equerries, John Francis took his chance at killing the monarch once again.

A broadside on the assassination attempt on Queen Victoria after John Francis’ arrest

While some may say the decision was foolish, the famously stubborn Queen Victoria refused to be confined to Buckingham Palace until the perpetrator was caught, rightly believing the best way to flush him out was to leave.

The royal pair were no doubt nervous but, unbeknownst to Francis, the crowds watching the royal pair pass by were infiltrated with plain-clothed Metropolitan police officers. After firing his gun and missing – again – the attempted-killer was wrestled to the ground by law enforcement, just five paces away from the carriage containing Victoria and Albert.

The hapless would-be-assassin was initially sentenced to be hanged, drawn and quartered but the Queen later showed mercy towards him, commuting the sentence to banishment for life. Francis lived out the rest of his 63 years in Australia, remaining there until his death in 1885.

Remarkably, Francis’ two attempts on the Queen’s life were not isolated incidents.

An illustration from c.1840 depicts Victoria and Albert on one of their regular rides around London

Just two years before, in June 1840, 18-year-old barkeep Edward Oxford fired his duelling pistol at Victoria, who was four months pregnant with her first child, also called Victoria. Just outside the gates of Buckingham Palace, Oxford fired twice at the monarch but missed both times – the second down to Victoria’s quick decision to duck from the assailant.

After the attack, a crowd surrounded the shooter and tackled him to the ground, while Victoria and Albert continued on their planned journey to Hyde Park. At the time, Prince Albert wrote, “We took a short drive through the park, partly to give Victoria a little air, partly also to show the public that we had not, on account of what had happened, lost all confidence in them”.

Edward Oxford, said to be seeking notoriety, was found guilty but insane and spent 24 years in an asylum, later to be deported to Australia.

Despite the concerning attacks, a further five attempts were made on the Queen’s life over her 63 year rule.

Just five weeks later, 17-year-old John William Bean, who was suffering from spinal deformity and was desperate for a new life – even if that meant a life in jail – also shot at the monarch. After his attempt was foiled, he was sentenced to 18 months of hard labour.

Possibly due to increased security around the Queen, the attempted assassinations became much further spaced out, with shots fired in 1849, 1872 and 1882. Only in 1850 did an assailant use something other than a gun while trying to kill Victoria – and, interestingly, it was the only occasion in which she was actually hurt.

Queen Victoria surrounded by her family at a wedding in Coburg, 1893

On 27 June that year, former British Army officer Robert Pate, who struggled with his mental health and was widely known for his manic behaviour, approached the Queen outside Cambridge House in central London, striking her on the forehead with his lightweight cane.

As the crowd dealt with Pate, Victoria found her footing and told onlookers, “I am not hurt” – despite the bruising and black eye that were beginning to show on her face.

Robert Pate was sentenced to seven years in the penal then-colony of Van Diemen’s Land, now known as Tasmania.

Despite the numerous attempts on Queen Victoria’s life, she lived to the ripe old age of 81, dying at her residence on the Isle of Wight 22 January 1901. Her reign was longer than any of her predecessors and was only surpassed last year by Queen Elizabeth II, who spent 70 years and 214 days on the British throne.

Welcome, Crypto, to the Fiery Cauldron of U.S. Presidential Politics

Before the push for the White House really gets rolling, digital assets – including bitcoins and CBDCs – are being hefted as ideological effigies, but will it matter?

Whether the crypto industry wants the spotlight or not, digital assets are among the earliest talking points in the 2024 U.S. presidential election, with the most prominent of the new candidates even invoking bitcoins in his campaign opener as evidence of President Joe Biden’s missteps.

In an election in which the heaviest fireworks will likely be seen on the side of the Republican challengers, former President Donald Trump – occupying the role as Biden’s leading nemesis – is himself facing an early-days threat from Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, who immediately staked out crypto as a kind of political shorthand.

“The current regime, clearly, has it out for Bitcoin,” DeSantis said from his campaign’s Twitter Spaces launch pad, using crypto to represent innovation and personal freedom. “Bitcoin represents a threat to them, they’re trying to regulate it out of existence.”

If digital assets keep figuring into presidential politics, they’ll likely feature as a stand-in to illustrate the perceived abuses of the federal government, according to industry insiders and political experts. But the attention may not contribute to the policy progress crypto businesses crave, because the sector is waiting for comprehensive rules, not political sentiments.

So far, Biden’s administration is being accused of squeezing emerging crypto businesses and trying to set up a central bank digital currency (CBDC) to spy on citizens, according to DeSantis and one of Biden’s challengers from his own party, Robert F. Kennedy, Jr.

For DeSantis, his pro-crypto position also separates him from chief rival Trump. The digital assets views of the Republican frontrunner for the 2024 nomination have historically been rooted in distrust, with Trump having declared in 2019 that he was “not a fan” of bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies, “whose value is highly volatile and based on thin air.” However, more recently Trump profited from his own series of non-fungible tokens (NFTs), so his position remains murky.

Two weeks before DeSantis opened his campaign beside tech mogul Elon Musk, he sought to make a political moment out of his state’s “ban” of a U.S. CBDC. Experts in the commercial law Florida used to act against a potential digital dollar have said Florida’s effort isn’t a ban at all, but that might not matter for political supporters impressed by DeSantis’ zeal.

“He seems to understand that private solutions being developed in the crypto markets are likely to be superior, in part because they pose fewer risks to the individual liberty of the public,” said Dave Weisberger, CEO of CoinRoutes, a trading tech startup in DeSantis’ home state.

But DeSantis is generally vague about his defense of cryptocurrencies, and his remarks don’t seem to acknowledge they are online instruments that can operate outside the whims of sovereign states. When he says that Democrats – given another four years – will “probably end up killing it,” it seems to suggest the U.S. lawmakers would have more reach than they do, and that crypto won’t find homes in other global jurisdictions, such as in Europe.

“It’s more about how he’s trying to paint himself as a fresh face,” said Ron Hammond, director of government relations for the Blockchain Association in Washington. “He’s trying to say ‘I’m the younger gun here who’s trying to get something done.’”

In the know

A rival Republican candidate, Vivek Ramaswamy, has argued the Florida governor doesn’t know the topic well. The biotech entrepreneur told CoinDesk he’s pro-Bitcoin because he sees it as a “decentralized alternative” to the U.S dollar, improving the country’s financial infrastructure by presenting “a source of competition to the existing system.” And he says he understands it much more than DeSantis.

Other notable Republican candidates, such as Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.) and his state’s former governor, Nikki Haley, have reserved comment on the financial movement. Despite his position on the Senate Banking Committee that could help decide U.S. crypto’s fate, Scott has taken the most neutral possible stance, saying lawmakers should take a “thoughtful, bipartisan and balanced approach” to overseeing the industry in the U.S.

Among the Democratic challengers to standard-bearer Biden, Kennedy – who also holds other views that overlap with Republican positions – is fervently pro-crypto.

“Cryptocurrencies, led by bitcoin, along with other crypto technologies are a major innovation engine,” Kennedy wrote in a tweet earlier this month. “It is a mistake for the U.S. government to hobble the industry and drive innovation elsewhere.”

The most popular of the pro-crypto candidates among voters, DeSantis, still trails well behind Trump in primary polling, but the fact that there are multiple candidates saying nice things about digital assets is a positive for some in the sector.

“We now have three presidential candidates, spanning both political parties, who explicitly support the digital asset industry,” CoinRoutes’ Weisberger said. “While Republicans are trying to make crypto a partisan issue, the industry itself doesn’t believe it should be, which is why the support from RFK Jr. is also potentially important.”

Biden is the only candidate with a federal record on digital assets. So far, his administration hasn’t set down any significant crypto policy, and the financial regulators he picked have taken a staunchly critical view of the industry. His Securities and Exchange Commission chief, Gary Gensler, may be the most antagonistic of the bunch, combating digital assets businesses in courtrooms and with his agency’s rule proposals. And the direct messages from Biden’s Department of the Treasury and his own White House have been increasingly suspicious of the industry.

Though it wasn’t a campaign remark, Biden, who last month formally announced

Merhaba arkadaşlar, bugün sizlere Prizmabet adlı bir bahis sitesinden bahsedeceğim. Prizmabet, Betconstruct altyapısı ile üyelerine kaliteli hizmetler veren ve ülkemizin önde gelen bahis sitelerinden bir tanesidir. 2009 yılında kurulan Prizmabet, lisanslı, güvenilir ve avantajlı bir site olarak dikkat çekmektedir. Prizmabet’te spor bahisleri, canlı bahisler, casino, canlı casino, slot oyunları, sanal sporlar ve daha pek çok seçenek bulabilirsiniz. Prizmabet’te oyun oynamak için aradığınız ortamı fazlası ile bulacaksınız.

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