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Fairshake: Crypto Titans Use Old-School Dollars to Turn Tide in Congress

The industry went from pariah in Washington to being a top political player in less than two years, thanks in part to unlimited spending and hard-nosed tactics.

Here’s the new political calculus for a U.S. congressional candidate: You nod to crypto and say you’re on the pro-innovation side, and chances are, a million dollars (or more) could drop from the sky to pay for TV spots that highlight your strengths or pillory your opponent.

In any of hundreds of lesser known districts of the House of Representatives, a few hundred thousand dollars tends to make or break a candidate. When the leading crypto-driven political action committee notices you, a massive influx of cash can pave your way straight to Congress. The Fairshake super PAC isn’t subtle. It’s nuclear. For a relatively small industry, Fairshake is the biggest corporate money player in U.S. politics. And it’s not close to hanging up its hat as the Nov. 5 elections recede into the past.

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The main PAC and its two affiliate cousins spent some $139 million on the 2024 elections. Just Congress, mind you, not the presidential showdown. What the crypto sector wants is legislation, and Fairshake is all about securing the most expedient path toward the right number of supporters on Capitol Hill.

It’s got about $30 million left from this cycle. And its top industry benefactors have committed to another $73 million. Before the 2026 cycle even begins, this super PAC is already dominating the field with $103 million.

Thanks to current U.S. election rules, corporate interests can spend unlimited amounts to support or oppose campaigns, as long as they do so through “independent expenditures” that purchase advertising without coordinating with the campaigns they’re helping. Fairshake aimed to take full advantage of that with a simple goal. According to its primary spokesman, Josh Vlasto, the goal was to “support candidates who supported this industry and wanted to work across the aisle to advance responsible regulation,” he told CoinDesk in an interview.

They set out to show Washington that crypto was now “really focused on building a professional political operation that was going to be very well resourced and effective.”


Into 2026

So what can we still expect from what may be the most influential, issue-driven political force in the U.S.? A close look at 2024 probably tells you all you need to know about what’s still to come.

Coinbase, Ripple Labs and crypto investment firm a16z raised Fairshake from the ashes of the industry’s most recent campaign machinery, tapping at least two people involved in running a previous version. But, in contrast to the customary radical-transparency vibe the industry is proud of, Fairshake’s origin story is a no-go for the involved companies. They won’t talk about how Fairshake was formed and who hired whom. They won’t discuss the ongoing relationship between the heavy donors and the PAC management.

“We have consultants and advisors on both sides of the aisle,” said Vlasto, the person who most often does the talking for Fairshake. “We also take input from our supporters, you know, which represent real industry leaders from the crypto and blockchain sector.”While the activity of the organization is publicly disclosed, as the rules require, and the broad strategy of Fairshake is clear, the nuts and bolts are off-limits.

“I’m not getting into the sort of day-to-day,” Vlasto said. “All I can speak to is sort of the outcome of it. And the outcome is a very successful election cycle.”The industry had a profoundly tarnished reputation to build on, because disgraced FTX frontman Sam Bankman-Fried was the leading driver of crypto’s campaign contributions in the last congressional election. One in three members of Congress were funded by he and other FTX executives under his watch, though the dollar amounts paled in comparison to what the industry spent this time. Still, all those members were forced to figure out how to deal with the tainted contributions after the company imploded in a cloud of fraud.

That’s nothing Vlasto can speak to, he insists, because Fairshake is an entirely new effort with “really the crème de la crème and the blue chip companies across crypto and blockchain.”

And, while they were erecting their political siege engine, Coinbase also propped up an advocacy organization called Stand With Crypto meant to rally the troops. It was billed as “crypto’s first true grassroots movement,” despite its origin as a corporate-funded project in which Coinbase initially handled its public relations and staffed its events.

It features Fairshake’s company-led effort on its website, but it also raises money for its own activities, such as running events and maintaining a database evaluating politicians’ crypto support. The organization says it’s so far taken in $2.8 million, though its supporter list indicates $2.3 million of that is from companies Exodus and Moonpay.

Stand With Crypto signed up almost 2 million online supporters. That large number of digital assets enthusiasts is often touted as evidence of a groundswell in public support.

From political pariah to belle-of-the-ball in less than two years, the crypto industry learned in 2024 that aggressive tactics and a whole lot of money were the answer to overcoming reputational damage.

Influencing the agenda

This current congressional session provided Fairshake a live-fire exercise in influence. Instead of a theoretical idea of what crypto legislation future members of Congress may be willing to support, Fairshake got to make a more urgent case with its outsized war chest.

Two highly significant crypto test cases made a splash in Congress earlier this year.

First — and most notably — the Financial Innovation and Technology for the 21st Century Act (FIT21) was Representative Patrick McHenry’s effort to move a wide-reaching set of standards to regulate the U.S. crypto markets from top to bottom.

The other was a campaign to permanently erase a Securities and Exchange Commission crypto accounting policy in which the agency sought to make public companies hold their customers’ digital assets on their own balance sheets. It effectively forced banks to maintain capital against those assets — a cost-prohibitive demand that contributed to U.S. bankers shying away from crypto.

Both matters came up for votes. FIT21 was shepherded personally by McHenry, the Republican chairman of the House Financial Services Committee, who hoped the bill could be his swan song as he leaves the Hill at the end of the year. The Republican legislation became the first significant crypto measure to clear the committee and win passage by the House, pulling in a massive 71-vote block of Democrats and demonstrating that there’s a wide bipartisan cooperation available on digital assets legislation.

And it provided the simplest litmus test possible for the industry to know which House lawmakers were worthy of crypto cash. At the time the bill was on the House floor, the existence of Fairshake’s campaign muscle had already been noisily demonstrated when it spent about $10 million to throttle the Senate hopes of Representative Katie Porter, a crypto skeptic in California. The lawmakers who voted on FIT21 were well aware that the new player in campaign finance was watching and stood very willing to spend millions to bolster friends and defeat enemies.

Even before it spent millions to ensure more allies in the 2025 session of Congress, Fairshake was already influencing policy. 

The SEC’s controversial accounting rule — known as Staff Accounting Bulletin No. 121, or SAB 121 — came up for a vote in the Senate as lobbyists sought to reverse the SEC’s position. That vote was made possible after the Government Accountability Office said the regulator mishandled the policy by trying to tuck it into staff guidance rather than treating it as a full-blown rule. Lawmakers sought to toss it out under the Congressional Review Act, and both the House and Senate passed the effort. Most notably, the 60-38 Senate vote showed a significant number of Democrats bucking their leadership to join. It forced President Joe Biden to make good on a veto threat, meaning the policy remained intact at the SEC despite Congress’ wishes.

Still, it gave Fairshake and the crypto industry a list of which sitting senators were on the side of this financial technology.

“The broad strategy was to pick races where ultimately someone who was pro-crypto, pro-blockchain, pro-innovation would come out on top and win the scene,” Vlasto said.

During the primaries, the PAC often deployed money in big bursts, sometimes dumping more than $1 million into a relatively obscure campaign where that kind of money could drown out opposition. On social media, high-profile Democrat Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez characterized the spending as “insane sums.” At first, much of it was based on relatively flimsy evidence of crypto support on candidate websites, but with incumbent lawmakers, their recent voting record made for harder targets.

In the Democrat-dominated congressional district that covers Westchester County and part of the Bronx in New York, incumbent Representative Jamaal Bowman has opposed both of the big crypto efforts. Fairshake dropped more than $2 million in negative ads against him in that race, and Bowman was easily defeated in the primary.

When it came to lining up the congressional races it would support, the group was also very careful to balance its choices between the two major parties, often angering both. In the end, it backed about the same from each, though its two marquee efforts devoted tens of millions to derailing Democrats the industry disliked: Porter in California and Senator Sherrod Brown (Ohio), chairman of the Senate Banking Committee.

Where its practical thinking was obvious, though, could be seen in Massachusetts, where Fairshake didn’t devote money to crypto lawyer John Deaton’s race against Senator Elizabeth Warren, the well-known Democrat who is arguably the industry’s most powerful critic on Capitol Hill. The odds were always very long against beating Warren in her state, and money spent there was ultimately wasted.

A point of pride for Fairshake staff is that any time a candidate started objecting that corporate money from crypto was underwriting their opponent, the argument was unsuccessful. The PAC organizers interpret that record as demonstrating that voters aren’t moved by efforts to use digital assets as a political scare tactic. 

“When we supported a candidate aggressively who was pro-crypto, their opponent attempted to make an issue out of the spending and say that voters should not support our preferred candidate because they were receiving support from crypto,” Vlasto recalled, and that opponent tended to lose.

“Every time.”

Going into 2025 and a new congressional session, more than four dozen members of Congress were backed by Fairshake — almost half of them new arrivals in their elected office. At this point, the PAC estimates that about 300 of the 535 members of the House and Senate are on crypto’s side. 

But Fairshake has $103 million in its pockets before most other super PACs have even started, meaning sitting lawmakers in the next session will be aware that a huge stockpile of cash will be ready to help them in 2026 if they cooperate with crypto legislation.

And those hoping to join Congress in the 2027 session will know that a simple nod toward crypto could help them raise fast support.

This profile is part of CoinDesk’s Most Influential 2024 package. For all of this year’s nominees, click here.

Fairshake’s approach will not only influence the U.S. legislative branch. The crypto industry has now demonstrated that large amounts of money concentrated into a single purpose can have an outsized electoral impact.

“We were on the right side of the arguments,” Faryar Shirzad, chief policy officer of Coinbase in a CoinDesk interview, when asked whether another group could repeat the results.

Beyond the campaign money, there was a wider upswell of crypto support. “I don’t know if other industries can replicate the grassroots and the merits of the arguments in the way we can. But I doubt it.”

Merhaba arkadaşlar, bugün sizlere Prizmabet adlı bir bahis sitesinden bahsedeceğim. Prizmabet, Betconstruct altyapısı ile üyelerine kaliteli hizmetler veren ve ülkemizin önde gelen bahis sitelerinden bir tanesidir. 2009 yılında kurulan Prizmabet, lisanslı, güvenilir ve avantajlı bir site olarak dikkat çekmektedir. Prizmabet’te spor bahisleri, canlı bahisler, casino, canlı casino, slot oyunları, sanal sporlar ve daha pek çok seçenek bulabilirsiniz. Prizmabet’te oyun oynamak için aradığınız ortamı fazlası ile bulacaksınız.

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If we want to solve it, Europe’s water crisis should be treated at the local level

In some European countries, we will need to stop thinking that we have an automatic right to cheap, plentiful water which we can use to clean our streets, wash our cars, or fill our swimming pools whenever we wish, Mark Smith writes.

Last Thursday, the Spanish government held an extraordinary meeting about the economic impact of the drought currently ravaging the country. 

Spain has experienced drought more severely and for longer than other European counties, but the whole of Europe is set for a worse summer drought than that of 2022, already its worst for 70 years.

On the face of it, it might seem obvious that our leaders should be looking at this drought as a pan-European problem or even a pan-European, Middle Eastern and African one. 

East Africa is currently ravaged by drought, with 700 million people in the region anticipated to be displaced by water shortages by 2030. 

Meanwhile, low-lying desert countries like the United Arab Emirates are being menaced by rising sea levels and increasing their reliance on high-emitting desalination programmes.

Is water in Europe really that abundant?

Climate change is increasingly manifesting itself as a water crisis; in the case of Spain, it is droughts, but we’re also experiencing more floods and storms. 

People in Andalucia are certainly experiencing the climate crisis for what it is — a water crisis. 

Until we reverse the global emissions that are causing climate change, the medium-term solution for Spain and Europe involves managing water. This is where the solution becomes much less global.

When it comes to water management, we hear a lot about water scarcity issues. But in fact, what we mostly have is overconsumption combined with water access problems. 

There is a prevalent attitude in Europe that water is plentiful and cheap, which persists right up until it is no longer available.

An old boat is photographed half-buried after the water level has dropped at the Sau reservoir, about 100 km north of Barcelona, 20 Marrch 2023

Indeed, there is a prevalent attitude in Europe that water is plentiful and cheap, which persists right up until it is no longer available. 

There are definitely parts of the world that are genuinely running out of water. Andalucia, home to the only desert in the EU, is one of them. 

But even in southern Spain and in other desert regions such as parts of East Africa, water exists, and we know its location. We just don’t have access to water — or rather, we don’t have clean access to it.

Drought is not resolved by pumping more groundwater

For example, in Andalucia — where the reservoirs are at record low levels – communities are increasingly looking to exploit groundwater reserves to maintain their current consumption levels.

There is a proliferation of private wells being drilled and exploited to maintain lifestyle choices. 

The groundwater is pumped and consumed, but since the resources are not recharged during drought, the groundwater is continually being depleted. 

Typically, the reaction to this situation is — rather than addressing the politically and socially difficult topics of ever-increasing demand — to continue to pump the groundwater. 

Rather than talking about how to handle the water crisis at a European level … we need to be talking about what the water crisis looks like in the specific local areas we are dealing with.

Local residents carrying an image of Jesus Christ take part in a procession asking for rain in Perelada, a rural village in the northeast of Catalonia, Girona, 27 April 2023

This ultimately means the water table goes down, and the water becomes more contaminated, especially near the coastal regions with saline intrusion. 

Eventually, the water either dries up or becomes untreatable and is no longer drinkable and then there really is a water crisis.

In turn, rather than talking about how to handle the water crisis at a European level, or even at a national level as Spain is now doing, we need to be talking about what the water crisis looks like in the specific local areas we are dealing with.

You can’t simply zap it from one part of the country to another, either

This is mainly because even with the best water infrastructure in the world — something which Japan has the privilege of possessing, though the Netherlands comes a close second — water cannot be easily moved around between regions. 

Water is heavy: every time you push it, it costs money and burns fuel. Unlike electricity, you can’t just zap it from Madrid to Malaga. 

For this reason, all local communities need to look at what water actually exists in the area where they are. Communities have to tackle demand as well as supply.

If the demand is too high for the region, difficult decisions need to be made because we cannot solve the problem through endless large desalination plants and pipelines.

View of La Baells reservoir in Berga, about 112 km north of Barcelona, April 2023

If the demand is too high for the region, difficult decisions need to be made because we cannot solve the problem through endless large desalination plants and pipelines. 

In Spain, plans are afoot to create a 100-kilometre transfer pipeline from Manilva and a 142-km pipeline from the Cordoba province to supply water to Costa del Sol. 

However, these projects are expensive and disruptive, will take years to build, and will inevitably contribute to Spain’s greenhouse gas emissions. 

Our right to plentiful water is not a given

It is crucial that the solution to a community’s water crisis must not in itself contribute to the underlying cause of that crisis, climate change.

Thankfully, in most parts of the world, there is sufficient water for everyday use, but it’s often undervalued and overexploited, and it ultimately becomes polluted and unusable. 

What we have is not a planet-wide water shortage problem but a geographically sensitive clean water access problem, and this problem is growing globally.

Now, every region of Europe needs to be looking urgently at what water resources are available and how they can be managed, cleaned and accessed, all at the local level.

A tourist walks crossing a stretch between the mainland and the San Biagio island in Manerba, on the Garda Lake, April 2023

Now, every region of Europe needs to be looking urgently at what water resources are available and how they can be managed, cleaned and accessed, all at the local level. 

This may well mean that in some European countries, we will need to stop thinking that we have an automatic right to cheap, plentiful water which we can use to clean our streets, wash our cars, fill our swimming pools or water our decorative municipal floral displays whenever we wish. 

Otherwise, what is happening in Spain will cease to be the exception and become the norm.

Mark Smith is a strategic business development director for the water sector at the environmental and engineering business, the RSK Group. He is a former chief executive of the UK’s Water Research Group and chair of the Future Water Association.

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Florida’s DeSantis Waging Toothless Campaign Against Digital Dollars, Lawyers Say #prizmabet

The political movement to use state commerce rules to stop central bank digital currencies is based in legal nonsense that has no power to ban anything, experts contend.

The state-level campaign against a U.S. digital dollar made its first foray into established law with Governor Ron DeSantis’ signature on Florida’s effort to block the use of virtual government-backed money in business transactions.

But the Florida governor’s rhetoric that his state is banning central bank digital currencies (CBDCs) as “government overreach and woke corporate monitoring” may not amount to much on paper. Legal experts in this facet of commercial law suggest the state’s effort is nonsensical and potentially harmful for the digital assets sector DeSantis said he’s trying to protect.

“They didn’t ban anything,” said Carla Reyes, an assistant professor at Southern Methodist University’s Dedman School of Law, who has done work in both digital assets law and the Uniform Commercial Code (UCC) that Florida is focused on. “The law does exactly zero of the things that it says that it does.”

The state’s new tweak “expressly prohibits the use of a federally adopted CBDC by excluding it from the definition of money within Florida’s Uniform Commercial Code,” according to the governor’s office. From introduction to his signature last week took just 43 days.

DeSantis – one of the Republican Party’s early favorites as a potential presidential candidate next year – turned his May 12 signing of the law into a political event, claiming it as the start of a potential multi-state push from Republican state lawmakers to counter a digital dollar well before the federal government decides whether to issue it or not. North Carolina has also been considering a measure to oppose a U.S. CBDC, and South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem recently vetoed a bill to update its UCC in a way she argued would have allowed for CBDCs and “a potential future overreach by the federal government.”

“We’re on offense in the state of Florida,” DeSantis said at a press conference, standing behind a sign reading “Big Brother’s Digital Dollar,” referencing George Orwell’s tale of supreme government control, “1984.” The new law – effective in July – declared digital dollars won’t be considered money in the state’s version of the commercial code.

The UCC represents an accord among states, which have largely adopted this common set of rules for buying and selling of goods and conducting other financial transactions across state borders. Florida has officially thrown its CBDC wrench into that standardization, saying digital dollars aren’t money as defined in the code. But it doesn’t really ban CBDC use in interstate commerce, just puts those assets in another category than money, lawyers say.

“I could still buy a computer using CBDCs if that’s what they wanted me to pay in,” said Reyes, who said the government-backed assets would now fall into the bucket of “general intangibles” under the UCC. “The UCC doesn’t have the power to ban people from using any type of exchange. That’s not what it does.”

CBDC Opposition

DeSantis called the CBDC “a massive transfer of power from individual consumers to a central authority,” and he said the federal government would “have the ability to control where that money is going,” citing a future government’s ability to stop gun purchases or halt somebody from buying too much gasoline.

Though DeSantis and other Florida Republicans suggest the U.S. is definitely heading toward issuing a digital dollar, that view isn’t yet reflected by what’s happening. While the administration of President Joe Biden is under orders to develop the concept of a U.S. CBDC, no federal entity has yet declared support for issuing it.

The Federal Reserve would be in charge of the digital dollar, and officials including Chair Jerome Powell have said the central bank won’t act without backing from the White House and Congress. The Fed also doesn’t want to be in the retail CBDC business, so officials have declared that it won’t administer individual accounts and that people’s transactions would have to be managed by banks or in other outside digital wallets.

DeSantis acknowledged that if Congress eventually authorizes a U.S. CBDC, the state may have to back down. But more than that, Andrea Tosato, a legal scholar who has advised on UCC amendments and teaches at University of Pennsylvania’s Carey Law School, said that any federal law on this point will automatically override state law.

If that happens, though, it won’t have anything significant to override in Florida, he and Reyes suggested.

The UCC Reality

The UCC represents longstanding, battle-tested standards for basic transactions, and they‘re meant to be “super boring” and nonpolitical, Tosato said. The Florida effort to use it as a shield against digital dollars is “painting the UCC as something that it is not.”

The UCC gives both sides of transactions basic legal protections, Tosato explained, but it doesn’t tell them what they can or can’t exchange. That’s the job of regulations or criminal codes.

When one digs into “the rabbit hole and the craziness of what was done with this Florida bill,” Tosato said, “there is no light-bulb moment. It makes no sense.”

The governor’s office didn’t respond to a request for comment on these points. DeSantis suggested during his press conference that he wasn’t just protecting people’s financial privacy but was also seeking to defend crypto from federal government interference.

“I think they want to crowd out and eliminate other types of digital assets like cryptocurrency, because they can’t control that,” he said.

While Florida rewrites its single-state corner of the 50-state standards, though, it’s also rebuffing a set of amendments suggested last year that were meant to set standards for the interstate use of cryptocurrencies, including in such examples as the use of bitcoin as collateral in lending. That could have been a foundation for digital assets in commerce, Tosato argued, and other states have been moving forward to adopt the changes.

Even the way Florida defines a CBDC could be problematic. Its new law says a CBDC is a government-issued digital currency “that is made directly available to a consumer,” but Tosato contends that doesn’t reflect any of the current or planned CBDCs, which generally have service providers manage the accounts or wallets for using the virtual currency.

“There is no CBDC anywhere that is issued directly to consumers,” Tosato said.

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As DeSantis and his allies celebrate their CBDC ban, Tosato says they’ve compromised the UCC’s crypto modernization and are misrepresenting the meaning of their overhaul of Florida law.

“It’s done in a way that makes no sense and is completely broken,” he said.

Merhaba arkadaşlar, bugün sizlere Prizmabet adlı bir bahis sitesinden bahsedeceğim. Prizmabet, Betconstruct altyapısı ile üyelerine kaliteli hizmetler veren ve ülkemizin önde gelen bahis sitelerinden bir tanesidir. 2009 yılında kurulan Prizmabet, lisanslı, güvenilir ve avantajlı bir site olarak dikkat çekmektedir. Prizmabet’te spor bahisleri, canlı bahisler, casino, canlı casino, slot oyunları, sanal sporlar ve daha pek çok seçenek bulabilirsiniz. Prizmabet’te oyun oynamak için aradığınız ortamı fazlası ile bulacaksınız.

Prizmabet’in en önemli özelliklerinden biri de Prizmabet TV kanalıdır. Bu kanal sayesinde bahis sitesinde bulunan müsabakaları üyeler bir ücrete katlanmadan istedikleri zaman takip edebiliyor. Böylece hem heyecanlı hem de kazançlı bir bahis deneyimi yaşayabiliyorsunuz. Prizmabet TV kanalında futbol, basketbol, tenis, voleybol gibi popüler spor dallarının yanı sıra daha az bilinen sporlara da yer verilmektedir. Prizmabet TV kanalını kullanmak için sadece siteye üye olmanız ve yatırım yapmanız yeterlidir.

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Prizmabet müşteri hizmetleri de üyelerine 7/24 canlı destek hizmeti sağlamaktadır. Prizmabet canlı destek ekibi sayesinde site ile ilgili her türlü soru, sorun veya önerinizi iletebilir ve anında çözüm bulabilirsiniz. Prizmabet canlı destek ekibi profesyonel, güler yüzlü ve yardımseverdir.

Sonuç olarak, Prizmabet ülkemizin en iyi bahis sitelerinden biri olarak gösterilebilir. Prizmabet’te hem eğlenceli hem de kazançlı bir bahis deneyimi yaşayabilirsiniz. Prizmabet’e üye olmak için güncel giriş adresini web sitemizden bulabilirsiniz. Prizmabet’e girmek için tıklayınız! Prizmabet’e katıldığınıza pişman olmayacaksınız!

Bittrex Küresel CEO Says #prizmabet Firm Will Fight SEC Charges, Did Not Serve U.S. Customers

The Securities and Exchange Commission has accused Bermuda-regulated Bittrex Küresel of failing to register as a securities exchange in a lawsuit targeting U.S.-based Bittrex Inc.

The U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) is “mistaken” in charging crypto exchange Bittrex Küresel GmbH with breach of local securities law, its Chief Executive Officer Oliver Linch said during a phone interview with CoinDesk on Monday.

On April 17, the SEC charged Bittrex Inc. and its former CEO William Shihara for operating an unregistered securities exchange, broker and clearing agency in the country. In the same complaint, the regulator accused Bittrex Küresel GmbH of failing to register as a securities exchange “in connection with its operation of a single shared order book” with U.S.’ Bittrex.

The regulator alleged both Bittrex and Bittrex Küresel should have registered as an exchange because they “brought together” securities orders of multiple buyers and sellers “using established, non-discretionary methods under which such orders interacted.”

“Bittrex also provides Bittrex Küresel with the technology to operate its trading platform, including a single matching engine and order book that Bittrex Küresel shares with Bittrex, both of which are maintained by Bittrex personnel in the United States,” the complaint said.

The complaint added that the “design and functionality of the Bittrex Platform is similar to those of properly registered national securities exchanges,” from its display and order book to order matching and trading rules.

“We’ve not really seen an explanation as to what the SEC’s thinking is there, why that is of significance,” Linch said referring to allegations of a shared order book. “Suffice to say we think that they’re mistaken in the way they conceive of it legally and in terms of facts.”

Bittrex Küresel didn’t know it was the subject of an SEC probe until it received notice that the agency had “reached a preliminary conclusion,” according to Linch. He added the regulator didn’t give the firm an opportunity to “explain the facts.”

‘Never’ served U.S. customers

Linch, who was appointed Bittrex Küresel CEO last year, said the firm “never purported to offer services,” in the U.S. and that it will “vigorously” defend its position that it does not have any customers in the country.

The SEC is facing questions from the industry after a string of recent enforcement actions and notices of scrutiny prompted a couple of firms, including Bittrex Inc., to shutter some or all operations in the country. The industry has criticized the SEC for choosing to regulate by enforcement instead of providing regulatory clarity to firms.

After filing suit against Bittrex, SEC Chair Gary Gensler said the agency’s action “makes plain that the crypto markets suffer from a lack of regulatory compliance, not a lack of regulatory clarity,” as the complaint alleged Bittrex’s former CEO Shihara worked with crypto issuers to remove wording that indicated the assets in question were securities.

While it was a “sad day” for Bittrex, its shuttering does not affect his firm’s operations globally, Linch said.

“Bittrex was an entirely separate meşru entity and only provided services in the U.S. and only served U.S. customers. And they’re the ones that have had to shut down their operations… Küresel continues on providing the services to rest-of-world clients as it ever has,” he said.

The SEC has said it believes Binance.US is operating an unregistered securities exchange. While its küresel counterpart Binance maintains the U.S. entity is separate and distinct, with the action against Bittrex Küresel, it’s unclear if the regulator will also take aim at other players in the industry.

Linch didn’t comment on specific firms but praised crypto regulatory regimes in other jurisdictions.

“What we’re seeing is a growing realization that the most successful regulatory regimes are ones that have created a framework for crypto on a bespoke basis,” Linch said. “Now, that’s why we’re regulated in Liechtenstein in Bermuda, because what those jurisdictions did really early on, is really get to grips with crypto, what the product is, what services, what the risks are, and say to people, ‘okay, well, we can identify and manage. Here’s how you do it safely.’”

Last week, SEC’s Gensler faced tough questions from U.S. lawmakers on his handling of the crypto sector, while the European Parliament voted through its landmark crypto licensing regime.

The Markets in Crypto Assets (MiCA) framework will apply to the European Union’s 27 member states as well as the three additional states – Liechtenstein, Norway and Iceland – that make up the European Economic Area. The regime sets out requirements for crypto service providers and issuers that must be implemented on a national level.

In addition to the EU, jurisdictions from Dubai to Hong Kong are looking to supervise crypto in a holistic way, Linch said, adding that his years of experience as a financial regulatory lawyer in the U.K. taught him that bad cases make for bad law.

“Ultimately, this is for Congress to sort. If it wants to set up a regulatory regime, set up a regulatory regime,” Linch said of the U.S.

The SEC declined to comment “beyond the public filings.”

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Edited by Parikshit Mishra.

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